The Mute Martyrs: Spain, Truth, and the Triumph of Conscience

By the Archbishop of Selsey

When the Provincial Court of Málaga acquitted two Catholic priests and a journalist accused of “hate speech” for criticising radical Islam, it did more than correct a miscarriage of justice. It restored, if only momentarily, a flicker of sanity to a Europe increasingly afraid of its own Christian conscience.

The Crime of Speaking Clearly
Fr Custodio Ballester and Fr Jesús Calvo were not zealots of intolerance, but witnesses to truth. Their supposed crime was to say aloud what many silently know: that ideologies rooted in coercion and violence cannot be reconciled with divine charity or human freedom.¹ For this they were denounced by the Association of Muslims Against Islamophobia and dragged through the courts for nearly a decade.

The priests were accused of violating Article 510 of the Spanish Penal Code, which criminalises the incitement of hatred.² Yet their statements, though forthright, did not call for violence or discrimination; they called for repentance and discernment. To confuse the two is to make law itself a servant of error.

In his article The Impossible Dialogue with Islam, Ballester did not vilify Muslims; he questioned the ideology that inspires persecution of Christians in the Middle East and suppression of conscience in Europe.³ For this, he was first condemned by a lower court and only later vindicated by a higher one. How telling that in modern Spain, the plea for reasoned dialogue is branded “hate,” while genuine intolerance parades as virtue.

The Dictatorship of Relativism
The court’s ruling on 20 October 2025 rightly concluded that “not even intolerant or offensive speech loses protection if it does not promote hatred or violence.”⁴ This principle—so obvious in the light of natural law—has become controversial in a Europe that prizes sensitivity above truth. The acquittal is therefore not only legal but moral: it re-affirms the right to speak the truth even when the world calls it unkind.

We are witnessing what Pope Benedict XVI called a “dictatorship of relativism”⁵—an order where every conviction must apologise for existing, and every dogma must disguise itself as dialogue. Such relativism disarms the Church, replacing her bold confession with timid sentiment. When the priest is forbidden to name evil, society forgets how to distinguish it.

Freedom Ordered to Truth
True freedom of speech is not the liberty to wound, but the liberty to warn. Christian charity requires clarity; silence in the face of error is not compassion but complicity. The Málaga court, perhaps unwittingly, has upheld a profoundly Catholic truth: that freedom detached from truth is licence, but freedom exercised for truth is holiness.

Fr Ballester, speaking outside the courthouse, declared: “If proclaiming the Gospel in public becomes illegal, Spain will cease to be the land of martyrs and become the land of the mute.”⁶ His words recall the courage of St Vincent Ferrer and St John of Ávila, who also faced powers that feared the light of truth. The question before modern Europe is the same: shall we suffer to speak, or consent to be silent?

A Call to Christian Witness
The outcome in Málaga should strengthen every Christian who dares to defend faith and reason in public life. It proves that truth can still be spoken, even when costly. Yet the length and bitterness of the trial remind us that the battle is not legal but spiritual. What is on trial in our age is not merely expression—it is the Word Himself, “made flesh and dwelling among us.”⁷

When laws of “tolerance” are turned against the Gospel, Christians must respond not with resentment, but with steadfastness. Our answer must be witness. For Christ has told us: “The truth shall make you free.”⁸ But He did not say it would make us safe.

Nuntiatoria article for background


Footnotes
¹ “Freedom of speech and religion in play as Spanish priest prosecuted for denouncing radical Islam,” Catholic World Report, 3 Oct 2025.
² Código Penal de España, art. 510 (Incitación al odio).
³ Fr Custodio Ballester, El diálogo imposible con el Islam, 2017.
⁴ “Spanish court acquits priests and journalist accused of hate crime for criticising radical Islam,” Catholic Herald, 20 Oct 2025.
⁵ Pope Benedict XVI, Homily at the Pro Eligendo Pontifice Mass, 18 April 2005.
⁶ Abogados Cristianos press statement, Málaga, 20 Oct 2025.
⁷ John 1:14.
⁸ John 8:32.

The Halal Meat Debate and the Christian Conscience

By the Archbishop of Selsey

The debate over halal meat in Britain has once more risen to national prominence, and rightly so. Parliament has heard petitions about animal welfare; campaigners have spoken of religious liberty; and politicians have traded rhetoric about British identity. Yet in all this clamour one vital question is forgotten: the conscience of the Christian.

We live in an age that prizes transparency, yet when it comes to our food — the very substance that sustains life and, in the Eucharist, becomes the Body of Christ — our society traffics in ambiguity. In Britain today, halal-certified meat, sometimes stunned, sometimes not, enters the general food supply with scarcely a word of disclosure. Schoolchildren, hospital patients, soldiers in barracks may all be eating meat prayed over in the name of Allah without ever knowing it.¹


Case Study: Newcastle University
In May 2025, Newcastle University’s catering service introduced halal-only chicken and lamb across several outlets. Students soon raised complaints: some were unaware until after eating, others said they felt deprived of choice, while Christian and secular students alike objected to being compelled to consume food ritually consecrated in another faith.² After pressure from the Students’ Union, the university agreed to review provision, but the incident illustrates the wider problem: without transparency and alternatives, consumers are left with no meaningful freedom of conscience.


Here lies the injustice. The Apostle Paul taught the Corinthians that meat in itself is indifferent, yet warned: “If any man say to you: This has been offered in sacrifice; do not eat, for his sake that told it, and for conscience’ sake” (1 Cor. 10:28).³ The principle is plain: Christians cannot knowingly share in the rites of another religion, nor can they be compelled to do so in ignorance. To obscure the truth about what we eat is to force believers into a silent participation, stripping them of the freedom of conscience that is the hallmark of true liberty.

The Restore Britain campaign has seized upon this issue, raising alarms about halal-only menus in schools and even in parts of the military. They have called for a ban on non-stun slaughter, appealing to animal welfare and cultural integrity.⁴ Their concern strikes a chord, for no Christian can remain indifferent to truth or to the slow erosion of our Christian heritage. But the danger is that zeal for justice may give way to hostility, that righteous concern for conscience may be disfigured by rhetoric that stirs division rather than illuminating truth.

The Christian answer is not prohibition but clarity. Muslims and Jews must be free to follow their dietary laws. That is a legitimate exercise of religious liberty. But Christians, too, must be free to decline participation in rites they do not share. That is an equally legitimate exercise of conscience. True pluralism is reciprocal: one liberty does not trample another. The solution is as simple as it is just — mandatory labelling of meat, procurement reform in public institutions, and transparency in supply chains.⁵ With truth, conscience is protected. Without truth, liberty collapses into coercion.


Under the Equality Act 2010, religion and belief are recognised as protected characteristics. This means that Christians, like members of other faiths, are legally entitled to have their convictions respected in public life, education, and the workplace. Where food or services risk conflicting with conscience — such as being compelled to consume ritually consecrated meat without disclosure — Christians have a lawful basis to request transparency and fair treatment. The Act upholds that no one should be discriminated against or coerced in matters of faith.


Let us not deceive ourselves. This debate is not merely about animals, nor merely about politics. It is about the soul of our society. A civilisation that conceals the truth about its food will soon conceal the truth about its faith. The lie at the butcher’s counter becomes the lie in the classroom, the hospital, the courtroom, the parish church. What begins as silence in the marketplace ends as silence in the conscience. And silence in the conscience is death to the soul.

Christ said, “You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free” (John 8:32). It is time to apply that wisdom in Britain today. Let Muslims be Muslims, Jews be Jews, and Christians be Christians — but let none be compelled to share in another’s rite against their conscience. This is not intolerance; it is honesty. It is not exclusion; it is justice. In the end, it is not prohibition that will protect our faith and our freedom, but truth.


A Pastoral Appeal
I urge Christian families, schools, chapels, and institutions: do not be afraid to ask your suppliers plainly how the meat you are being offered has been sourced and prepared. Request transparency about whether animals were stunned, and whether the meat has been consecrated in the name of another faith. This is not an act of hostility but of integrity. When consumers calmly but firmly demand clarity, suppliers and institutions will learn that conscience matters. And in defending conscience, we defend not only our faith but the freedom of all.

Here is a sample letter template that Christian families, schools, chapels, or institutions could adapt when writing to their suppliers, asking for transparency about meat sourcing and preparation. It is courteous but firm, framed around conscience and integrity.

For a more indepth presentation visit Nuntiatoria.org


Footnotes
¹ UK Parliament, Non-Stun Slaughter of Animals, Westminster Hall debate, 9 June 2025, Hansard HC Deb 9 June 2025, c39WH.
² Newcastle University Students’ Union, debate over halal-only provision in campus catering, reported May 2025.
³ 1 Corinthians 10:28.
⁴ Restore Britain campaign materials, e.g. Rupert Lowe MP, Facebook post, 2025; ConservativeHome, “The Tory cause could be strengthened by Lowe’s Restore Britain,” 15 July 2025.
⁵ RSPCA, “Clearer labelling needed on method of slaughter,” Campaign briefing, 2023; UK Government, Welfare of Animals at the Time of Killing (England) Regulations 2015.


A Defence of Truth, Liberty, and the Common Good: Oppose an official definition of Islamophobia

By the Archbishop of Selsey

Britain stands at a crossroads. A government Working Group, chaired by the former Conservative MP Dominic Grieve, is presently preparing a definition of “Islamophobia.” This body was created by the government in February 2025 and given six months to produce its recommendations, without Parliament having a say in the matter. The public consultation has already closed, and if the Group adheres to its timetable, its recommendation—drafted in secret—will be delivered within weeks. The government intends then to roll out this definition across public bodies, urging them to embed it in speech codes, so that anyone who falls foul of the new standard can be punished¹.

The justification given for this extraordinary measure is that Britain has witnessed a rise in anti-Muslim hostility since the terrorist attack on southern Israel on 7 October 2023². But this argument is deeply flawed. Our nation already possesses robust laws that protect people from religious hatred and discrimination. These laws apply equally to Muslims, Christians, Jews, Hindus, Sikhs, and all faith communities³. The way to protect Muslims is to enforce those existing statutes, not to introduce what would amount to a Muslim blasphemy law by the back door.

As Christians, we affirm that all men and women are created in the image of God and deserve equal dignity and justice. To single out one community for special protections would be an affront to that principle. It would contradict the Scriptural command that believers should not “have respect of persons” (James 2:1). Such privileging of one faith over others risks exacerbating tensions rather than fostering harmony. Even Fiyaz Mughal, the Muslim founder of Tell MAMA, has warned that “any definition that marks out one community is going to cause major social divisions”⁴.

The dangers are not theoretical. An official definition of “Islamophobia” would have a chilling effect on free speech. Already, those who have raised legitimate concerns—for example, the disproportionate involvement of some Muslim men of Pakistani heritage in grooming gangs—have been accused of Islamophobia. Baroness Casey, in her official report, confirmed that one reason officials failed to act on the grooming scandals was fear of that very label⁵. Sarah Champion MP, one of the few politicians willing to speak honestly, was even shortlisted for “Islamophobe of the Year” by the Islamic Human Rights Commission⁶.

Britain has a storied tradition of religious tolerance. Surveys show that nine out of ten of our people are comfortable living alongside those of different religious beliefs—more than anywhere else in Europe⁷. This is a heritage of which we should be proud. To jeopardise it by elevating one faith to a privileged status would be to exchange harmony for resentment, and equality for division.

We must also remember that Britain deliberately abolished its blasphemy laws in 2008⁸. It was recognised then that in a plural society no religion should be shielded from criticism. To introduce an official definition of “Islamophobia” now would be to resurrect blasphemy law in another form, this time for the benefit of one faith alone. Such a step would undermine freedom of speech and conscience and betray the Christian heritage that shaped our liberties.

Beloved faithful, this is not a mere matter of policy but of principle. We are called to “speak the truth in love” (Ephesians 4:15). To be silenced by fear is to become complicit in falsehood. Caesar must never dictate which truths may be spoken.

Therefore, I urge you to act. Write to your Members of Parliament and to your councillors. Tell them plainly that you oppose the creation of a privileged status for Islam, that you stand for equal treatment under the law, and that you will not see Britain’s freedoms traded away. You may use the draft letter we have provided below, and you can obtain the contact details of your representatives quickly and simply via www.writetothem.com.

If we fail to speak now, we may soon find ourselves unable to speak at all. Let us not be that generation. Let us stand for truth, liberty, and the common good.


Footnotes

  1. UK Government announcement, creation of the Working Group on anti-Muslim hatred, February 2025.
  2. Government rationale cited in media reports following the October 2023 Hamas attack on Israel.
  3. Equality Act 2010, Part 2 (Protected Characteristics), including religion or belief.
  4. Fiyaz Mughal, quoted in public commentary on proposed definitions of Islamophobia.
  5. Louise Casey, Independent Review into Child Sexual Exploitation in Rotherham (2015).
  6. Islamic Human Rights Commission, Islamophobia Awards 2017, shortlist included Sarah Champion MP.
  7. European Values Study, data on tolerance and acceptance of religious diversity (latest UK survey).
  8. The common law offences of blasphemy and blasphemous libel were abolished by section 79 of the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008.

When Christ Is Not King: Islam, Immigration, and the Collapse of Christian Britain

Britain’s transformation under mass Islamic immigration reflects a deeper spiritual collapse. With churches closing, mosques multiplying, crime rising, and cultural confidence eroding, the nation reaps the fruits of abandoning Christ. A truly Christian society—with strong families, moral clarity, and cohesive identity—would resist such decline. Without conversion and courage, Britain’s future is not multicultural harmony, but civilisational eclipse. Only Christ can restore what was lost.

The question is no longer whether mass Islamic immigration has changed Britain—it is whether anything remains capable of restoring what was lost. From grooming gangs to terror attacks, mosque expansion to church closures, rising welfare dependency to demographic replacement, the facts are available to all who have eyes to see. What is lacking is not evidence, but the spiritual courage to ask: How did we allow this?

This is not merely a question of public policy or border management. It is a question of religious failure. For when Christ is no longer King of hearts, homes, and nations, a vacuum forms—and something else always fills it.

A Post-Christian Culture Welcomes a Post-Christian Religion

In 2001, the UK’s Muslim population stood at approximately 1.6 million. By 2021, it had risen to nearly 4 million, a growth of 143% in two decades¹. Pew Research estimates the fertility rate of Muslim women in the UK at 3.0, compared to 1.8 for non-Muslims, both well above and below the replacement rate of 2.1, respectively².

These changes point toward a broader demographic shift. Political scientist Prof. Matthew Goodwin projects that the White British share of the population, currently around 73%, will drop below 50% by 2063, and decline to just 33.7% by the year 2100 if present trends continue³.

The answer lies in a culture of death. Since 1967, the UK has aborted over 10 million unborn children. Marriage has been undermined, contraception promoted, family life destabilised, and fatherhood devalued. The result? A demographic winter for native Britons—while those with stronger family structures and religious convictions fill the void.

In short: Islam expands because secularism contracts, and the Church sleeps.

What Happens When Christian Order Is Rejected

Once the moral framework of Christendom was discarded, society lost not just theology, but social cohesion and public virtue. In its place, Britain now faces statistics that would have once been unthinkable:

  • Muslims make up 18% of the prison population in England and Wales, despite comprising only 6.5% of the population⁴.
  • Between 1997 and 2013, over 1,400 girls in Rotherham alone were systematically abused by grooming gangs, with most perpetrators identified as Pakistani Muslim men⁵. Estimated figures nationally soar into the hundreds of thousands.
  • 2024 FOI request revealed £3.6 million was spent at just one NHS trust to treat 1,559 genetic disorders linked to cousin marriage⁶.
  • Sharia courts, currently numbering 85 across the UK, operate in defiance of English legal norms and often deny women justice⁷.
  • Estimates suggest as many as 20,000 polygamous marriages exist in the UK, celebrated in mosques but ignored by British civil law⁸.

In early 2025, Parliament debated the proposed banning of first-cousin marriages, prompted by mounting public health and integration concerns. Richard Holden MP introduced the bill, citing studies indicating that 40–60% of marriages in Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities involved cousins, with the rate of congenital disorders nearly doubling from 2% to 4%. While the Government delayed action, citing wider legal reforms, the public overwhelmingly supported the ban—with 77% of Britons and 82% of Reform UK supporters in favour. Yet Muslim MPs urged caution: Iqbal Mohamed MP warned the ban would be “unenforceable and stigmatising,” calling instead for genetic screening and education, while neurologist Dr Qurratul‑Ain Rehman described the proposal as “prejudiced,” noting that other comparable pregnancy risks like smoking or late maternal age are not banned by law.

Sharia courts, currently numbering 85 across the UK, operate in defiance of English legal norms and often deny women justice⁷.

Estimates suggest as many as 20,000 polygamous marriages exist in the UK, celebrated in mosques but ignored by British civil law⁸.These are not isolated phenomena.

They are the fruit of a culture no longer confident in its own moral foundation, unable to distinguish tolerance from surrender.

Churches Close, Mosques Multiply

While the State and Crown issue greetings for Ramadan and defend Islamic “values,” the quiet apostasy of Christian Britain continues:

  • More than 3,500 churches have closed in the past decade⁹.
  • Meanwhile, 800 to 900 new mosque facilities—including converted churches—have opened, many with State support¹⁰.
  • The White British population, now around 73%, is projected by Prof. Matthew Goodwin to fall below 50% by 2063, and to just 33.7% by 2100¹¹.

Nowhere is Britain’s spiritual collapse more visibly symbolised than in the transformation of its religious architecture. In the past decade alone, more than 3,500 churches across the UK have closed their doors⁹. Once the spiritual centres of towns and parishes, many have been sold off, demolished, or converted into private residences, art venues, community halls—or, increasingly, mosques. Some are stripped of altars and crosses, their baptismal fonts left dry while Islamic calligraphy replaces the Gospel on their walls.

At the same time, Britain has seen the proliferation of mosques, with a net increase of 800 to 900 new Islamic facilities over the same period¹⁰. These include purpose-built mosques, often funded with overseas money, as well as converted churches, synagogues, and civic buildings, now reoriented toward Mecca. In places like Bradford, Luton, Leicester, Birmingham, and east London, the skyline is now punctuated not by spires but by minarets.

This is not the natural result of multicultural harmony. It is the visible manifestation of a spiritual displacement. The Church’s eclipse in public life—abetted by secularism and doctrinal compromise—has left a vacuum. Where the voice of Christ once rang through choirs and bells, the muezzin now calls out in Arabic. And still the bishops say nothing.

Some defenders of this trend speak of “religious diversity” and “interfaith progress.” But in reality, the closure of churches and expansion of mosques is not religious pluralism—it is religious replacement. No Catholic can witness this inversion without mourning the loss of what these buildings once represented: the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, the real presence of Christ in the tabernacle, the consecration of public space to the glory of God.

In earlier centuries, such a transformation could only have followed conquest. Today, it proceeds not by sword but by baptismal apostasyecclesial cowardice, and state-sponsored self-hatred. Where once there was a Christendom that built cathedrals, there is now a Britain that cannot keep its parish doors open.

A nation that refuses to honour its sacred places will inevitably be ruled by others who do. And yet, the cultural elite speak only of “progress.”

Economic Inactivity and Integration Failures

The collapse of economic participation among key immigrant populations is not simply a fiscal concern—it is a symptom of failed integration, broken anthropology, and a society that no longer knows how to cultivate virtue.

According to the 2021 Census, only 51.4% of working-age Muslims (aged 16–64) in the UK were employed, compared to 70.9% of the general population¹². Meanwhile, a striking 41.9% of Muslims were economically inactive—neither working nor seeking work. These figures reflect not only structural issues in the job market but also deeper questions about cultural values, gender norms, and spiritual formation.

In many Islamic communities, particularly among recently arrived or traditionally conservative groups, women are discouraged from working outside the home, and education beyond a certain age is undervalued for girls. Language barriers, parallel schooling, and poor civic formation contribute to long-term detachment from the economic and civic life of the nation.

But what makes this situation morally grave is not simply the disparity—it is the dependence on a welfare state funded by the very population being demographically displaced. A society that invites large numbers of migrants and then subsidises non-participation is not exercising Christian charity—it is committing cultural suicide under the banner of tolerance.

Catholic social teaching insists that work is a participation in God’s creative act (cf. Laborem Exercens, §25), and that idleness corrodes the dignity of the human person. St. Paul commands in no uncertain terms: “If any man will not work, neither let him eat” (2 Thess 3:10). A just society cultivates industriousness, self-reliance, and solidarity—not long-term dependency masked as compassion.

This breakdown of integration is also evident in the housing and immigration crisis. Between 2021 and 2025, over 178,000 illegal migrants largely from Islamic nations such as Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Sudan arrived in the UK via small boats, with record highs in 2022 (45,774 arrivals) and ongoing increases in 2025¹³. The majority are young men from Muslim-majority nations—Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Sudan, Eritrea—most of whom bring with them no skills, no knowledge of English law or culture, and no inclination toward assimilation.

These arrivals are overwhelmingly settled in asylum hotels—at massive taxpayer expense—without consent from the local communities. Many of these hotels are located near schools, parks, and churches, creating understandable anxiety among the public, especially after multiple high-profile criminal incidents.

A Christian nation would insist not only on legal borders but on moral borders: the integration of outsiders into the natural law, the faith, and the civic duties of the host country. But Britain, having lost its own sense of purpose, offers nothing for immigrants to adopt. It welcomes them materially while abandoning them spiritually—resulting in neither peace nor prosperity, but paralysing fragmentation.

A policy of open borders and passive welfare is not mercy. It is an abdication of duty, both to the native poor and to the immigrant soul. Charity does not mean naivety, and mercy does not demand societal suicide.

Security: A State That Will Not Name the Threat

In any sane polity, the first duty of the state is the protection of the innocent. And yet, in modern Britain, this fundamental principle has been compromised by ideological blindness and religious relativism. When it comes to Islamist violence and radicalisation, the official response is not clarity, but cowardice.

Since 2005, the United Kingdom has suffered at least ten major Islamist terror attacks on its soil. These include the 7/7 London bombings, in which 52 were murdered and 700 injured; the Westminster Bridge attack (2017); the Manchester Arena bombing, targeting children; the London Bridge stabbings (2017 and 2019); and the Reading terror attack (2020)¹⁴. All of these were committed by men radicalised in Britain or welcomed to Britain—often by a system too afraid to challenge the very ideology that inspired them.

As of 2023–2024, over 800 live Islamist-related investigations were active in the UK, according to the Home Office and MI5. Security services continue to disrupt plots involving explosives, knives, vehicular attacks, and lone-wolf jihadists, often operating under the radar in mosques, online forums, and migrant reception centres.

And yet despite this clear and recurring threat, the government continues to treat Islam—not just Muslims, but Islam as a belief system—as a sacred cow in the public square. It is unacceptable to questiondangerous to criticise, and often legally risky to even publicly debate the doctrinal origins of Islamic violence.

Instead of forthright analysis, Britain’s institutions engage in elaborate denials. Islamist violence is labelled “random,” “mental health-related,” or “perpetrated by lone actors.” The police stage interfaith photo ops in the aftermath of bombings. Schools and councils are told to celebrate Islamophobia Awareness Month, but not to address the actual radicalisation of young Muslim men. While churches are locked and priests arrested for silent prayer near abortion clinics, jihadists are released early from prison, and mosques linked to radical preaching remain untouched.

This is not mere liberalism—it is state-sponsored delusion. And it has consequences far beyond security. It sends a signal to every citizen that their rulers would rather see them dead than be called bigots.

But more deeply, the failure to name the threat is rooted in a false theology of religious equivalence. The post-conciliar narrative that all religions are expressions of the same divine truth has crippled the West’s moral immune system. No longer confident that Christ is King, the modern state refuses to say that Islam is false, that its rejection of the Incarnation is heresy, and that its political ambitions are incompatible with a Christian civilisation.

The early Church had no such illusions. The Fathers called Islam a Christian heresy and a plague upon the faithful. St. John Damascene, writing from within the Caliphate, named Muhammad a false prophet. St. Thomas Aquinas declared that Islam seduces by the sword, offering carnal promises instead of spiritual truth. The Church’s martyrs died not for pluralism, but for the Gospel.

And yet in 21st-century Britain, the faithful are asked to treat Islam not as error to be converted, but as a “partner in dialogue”—even as it fills the prisons, dominates the terror watch lists, and continues to claim the lives of the innocent.

This is not just a security failure. It is a crisis of faith. A Christian nation would evangelise its Muslim population—not fear it, flatter it, or fund it.

Parliament Acknowledges the Cost—but Still Refuses the Cause

Even some politicians have begun to admit what the people already know. In July 2025, Chris Philp MP, former Policing Minister, told the House of Commons that Britain now faces a “public safety crisis,” citing over 23,000 illegal arrivals across the Channel in the first half of the year—a 52% increase on the same period in 2024. More damningly, 339 criminal charges were brought against illegal migrants in just six months, including rape, attempted rape, assault, arson, and theft, many of them committed in or around the very asylum hotels funded by the taxpayer¹⁵. Cases cited included the rape of a 20-year-old woman in an Oxford churchyard and the attempted rape of a woman in a nightclub in Wakefield. And yet, despite these revelations, there is no serious movement among party leaders to close the border, much less to restore the spiritual and cultural vision that once gave Britain unity, confidence, and peace.

What If Britain Had Followed Japan?
A tale of two nations: one that surrendered its soul, and one that guarded its borders

In reflecting on Britain’s transformation under mass immigration and Islamic expansion, it is instructive to consider what might have been—not in fantasy, but in practical policy. Take Japan, a nation that, though secular, has successfully preserved its identity through firm immigration control.

Japan’s approach includes:

  • No mass immigration: Foreign-born residents are less than 3% of Japan’s population, compared to 15% in the UK.¹⁶
  • Tight asylum restrictions: Japan accepts fewer than 100 refugees per year, even amid global migration crises.¹⁷
  • Controlled labour migration: Work visas are issued for targeted sectors under strict conditions.
  • No legal pluralism: Japanese law applies universally—no Sharia courts, no polygamy, no cultural exemptions.
  • Cultural continuity: Assimilation is expected; multiculturalism is rejected.
  • Zero Islamist terror attacks: Japan has had no domestic Islamist violence.

Had Britain adopted this model from 1960 onwards:

  • Churches would not be closing by the hundreds.
  • Mosque expansion would be minimal.
  • Grooming gangs and parallel legal systems would not exist.
  • Demographic stability would persist.
  • There would likely be no terror attacks, no burdened welfare systems, and no loss of cultural confidence.

Even without Christianity, Japan demonstrates what prudence, law, and national will can achieve. Britain once had all these—and more. She had the Gospel.

What Japan Preserves by Policy, Christendom Once Preserved by Grace

Japan is not a model of sanctity, but it is a model of seriousness. And it exposes Britain’s failure all the more. What Japan has achieved by natural reason and national pride, a Catholic nation could have done better—by grace, truth, and faith. But modern Britain chose neither God nor country. It chose multiculturalism, moral relativism, and managed decline.

Conclusion: Not an Immigration Crisis—But an Evangelisation Crisis

Immigration is not the root cause of Britain’s transformation. It is the consequence of our own apostasy. A truly Catholic people, united in the faith, obedient to the Gospel, and confident in truth, would not be overwhelmed by those who believe otherwise.

But having abandoned Christ, the nation now bows to every foreign altar and calls it progress. The answer is not racial nationalism or secular populism. The answer is conversion—to Christ, to His Church, to the Catholic order that once made Britain great.

Unless we repent, the mosques will continue to rise, the churches will continue to fall, and the kingdom once dedicated to Mary’s Dowry will become a footnote in history.

Only Christ can save Britain. But He will not save a nation that refuses to be His.

First published on Selsey Substack. Visit today and subscribe!

  1. UK Census 2001 and 2021 data on religious affiliation.
  2. Pew Research Center, Europe’s Growing Muslim Population, Nov 2017.
  3. Prof. Matthew Goodwin, projections, 2023–2025.
  4. Ministry of Justice, Offender Management Statistics, 2022–2023.
  5. Jay Report (Rotherham), 2014.
  6. FOI response, Birmingham Women’s and Children’s NHS Trust, July 2025.
  7. The Times, “Inside Britain’s Sharia Councils,” Feb 2024.
  8. House of Commons Briefing Paper: Polygamy and the Law, 2023.
  9. National Churches Trust, “Church Closures,” 2024.
  10. Muslim Council of Britain and Building Mosques UK data, 2015–2024.
  11. Prof. Matthew Goodwin, cited above.
  12. UK Census 2021; ONS Labour Force Survey.
  13. UK Home Office, “Irregular Migration to the UK,” July 2025.
  14. MI5 and Home Office counterterrorism briefings, 2022–2024.
  15. Hansard, HC Deb, 18 July 2025, col. 901–903; Chris Philp MP; The Sun crime figures report, July 2025.
  16. UN DESA Migration Report 2022; UK ONS.
  17. Japan Ministry of Justice, Immigration Services Agency Annual Report, 2023.