Nuntiatoria LXIII: Caritas Christi urget nos

w/c 20/07/25

A calendar for the week of May 18, 2025, includes various liturgical observances, feast days, and notes for the Old Roman Apostolate.

ORDO

Dies20
SUN
21
MON
22
TUE
23
WED
24
THU
25
FRI
26
SAT
27
SUN
OfficiumS. Hieronymi Æmiliani
Confessoris

S. Praxedis
Virginis
S. Mariæ Magdalenæ PœnitentisS. Apollinaris Episcopi et MartyrisIn Vigilia S. Jacobi Ap.S. Jacobi ApostoliS. Annæ Matris B.M.V.Dominica VII Post Pentecosten
CLASSISDuplexSimplexDuplexDuplexSimplexDuplex II Duplex II Semiduplex
Color*EffúsumRubeumAlbusRubeumPurpuraRubeumAlbusViridis
MISSAExáudi, DómineLoquébarMe exspectavéruntLætábiturEgo autemMajóremGaudeámusOmnes gentes
Orationes2a. Dominica VI Post Pentecosten
3a. S. Margaritæ, VM
2a. A cunctis
3a. Pro papa vel ad libitum
NA
NA2a. S. Christinæ V&M
3a. A cunctis
2a. SS. Christophori MartyrisNA
2a. S. Pantaleonis M
3a. A cunctis
NOTAEGl. Cr.
Pref. de Trinitatis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
no Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Apostolis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Communis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Trinitatis
Nota Bene/Vel/VotivaMissae votivae vel Requiem permittuntur.Missae votivae vel Requiem permittuntur.
* Color: Albus = White; Rubeum = Red; Viridis = Green; Purpura = Purple; Niger = Black [] = in Missa privata
** Our Lady of Fatima, a votive Mass may be offered using the Mass Propers for the Immaculate Heart of Mary, August 22nd 🔝

Caritas Christi urget nos

“The love of Christ urges us on” — 2 Corinthians 5:14 This scriptural motto expresses the spiritual heart of the Somascan Fathers (Clerics Regular of Somasca) vocation: that all their work—especially care for orphans, the poor, and youth—is motivated not by ideology or duty alone, but by the compelling love of Christ. It reflects the personal conversion of their founder, St. Jerome Aemiliani, and his lifelong commitment to charity rooted in divine love. 🔝

HE ✠Jerome OSJV, Titular Archbishop of Selsey

Carissimi, Beloved in Christ,

In an age grown weary of truth—indeed, weary even of itself—the faithful are called not to despair but to vigilance, discernment, and courage. The world around us accelerates into moral confusion and institutional decay, driven not by ignorance alone but by ideologies that exalt rebellion and enshrine disorder. Yet amid this storm, the Church must remain what she is and always has been: Mater et Magistra, our Mother and Teacher, the pillar and ground of the truth¹.

In recent days, the High Court handed down a ruling of profound significance in Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police. The court determined that the police acted unlawfully by sending uniformed officers to march under Progress Pride flags, paint a police vehicle with Pride colours, and host a stall at Newcastle Pride. These actions, the judge ruled, breached the police’s statutory duty of political and ideological impartiality—a duty that cannot be suspended, even under the Public Sector Equality Duty². The claimant, Linzi Smith, a gender-critical woman, had previously been investigated for so-called “hate crime” over social media posts. She later received an apology. The court’s ruling is not only a rebuke to Northumbria Police but a warning to all public authorities tempted to conflate advocacy with duty.

I, too, was excluded from civic partnership by Brighton & Hove City Council for affirming Catholic teaching on sexuality and the created order. This pattern of exclusion—whether of bishops, teachers, parents, or concerned citizens—betrays an increasingly rigid orthodoxy enforced not by truth, but by bureaucracy and fear. The “inclusivity” demanded of Christians today is all too often the price of silence, compromise, or apostasy.

As your bishop and shepherd, I must say this clearly: ideological activism, when embedded within our schools, councils, and health systems, becomes a form of spiritual and civic tyranny. It silences dissent not by reasoned argument but by coercion, redefinition, and intimidation. The PSED, originally designed to ensure fairness, is now often interpreted by zealots to demand ideological conformity. When councils threaten charities, silence teachers, or coerce children in the name of “diversity,” they do not build peace—they prepare persecution.

This is why it is imperative that Catholics—and all people of goodwill—recover a proper understanding of law, duty, and freedom. True equality does not mean the flattening of nature or the denial of reason. True inclusion does not require the exclusion of conscience. And genuine compassion never demands the mutilation of truth.

Let us be clear also: the roots of our present predicament are not merely political, but theological. Without God, knowledge becomes pride, law becomes tyranny, and love becomes lust. Without God, the family collapses, the state loses its compass, and the soul withers into despair or rage. As I have said elsewhere, when society severs its moorings to the transcendent, it begins to consume itself—permitting what should be punished and punishing what should be permitted.

Yet even now, God is not mocked. His Church endures, and the light of grace remains. I see it in the witness of our young men and women rediscovering the old devotions. I see it in the hunger for the traditional liturgy, which nourishes the soul not with novelty, but with reverence and truth. I see it in those who risk ridicule or worse to speak for life, for marriage, for the natural order. And I see it in the quiet fidelity of those who persevere in prayer, in family life, in hidden acts of courage and sacrifice.

In all this, I recall the words of St Paul: “Be not overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good”³. We are not called to comfort or cultural conformity. We are called to holiness, to fidelity, and to readiness—for the battle is not merely political, but spiritual.

Let us then rededicate ourselves to the tasks before us: to teach, to testify, to sanctify. Let us resist the lies of this age not only with argument, but with prayer and penance. Let us form our children in truth, not trends; in virtue, not vanity. And let us never cease to proclaim the Gospel—not merely in church, but in public, in season and out of season, whatever the cost.

I urge our chapels and missions to commit themselves this month to prayer for our respective nations, for our children, and for the conversion of those in power. May our altars be places of intercession; may our homes be fortresses of light.

Let us not grow weary in well-doing. For we shall reap, if we faint not. 🔝

With my Apostolic blessing, and in the Sacred Heart of Jesus,

Text indicating a liturgical schedule for the week beginning April 5th, 2025, including notable feast days and rituals.

¹ 1 Timothy 3:15 — “the Church of the living God, the pillar and ground of the truth.”
² Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police, High Court of Justice, 16 July 2025. Mr Justice Linden ruled that the presence of uniformed officers under ideological banners—specifically the Progress Pride flag—created a perception of institutional partisanship and breached the legal requirement of police neutrality.
³ Romans 12:21 — “Be not overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good.”


Recent Epistles & Conferences




The Time after Pentecost in the Tridentine Rite
The Time after Pentecost in the Tridentine liturgical calendar, sometimes called the “Season after Pentecost,” corresponds to what is now known in the modern Roman Rite as “Ordinary Time.” Yet unlike the postconciliar terminology, the Tridentine designation is not “ordinary” in tone or theology. It is profoundly mystical, drawing the Church into a deepening participation in the life of the Holy Ghost poured out upon the Mystical Body at Pentecost.

A Season of Fulfilment and Mission
The Time after Pentecost is the longest of the liturgical seasons, extending from the Monday after the Octave of Pentecost to the final Saturday before the First Sunday of Advent. It represents the age of the Church — the time between the descent of the Holy Ghost and the Second Coming of Christ. Where Advent looked forward to the coming of the Messiah, and Easter celebrated His triumph, the Time after Pentecost lives out His indwelling. It is the season of sanctification, corresponding to the Holy Ghost in the economy of salvation, just as Advent and Christmas reflect the Father’s sending, and Lent and Easter the Son’s redeeming work.

Dom Prosper Guéranger writes that “the mystery of Pentecost embraces the whole duration of the Church’s existence” — a mystery of fruitfulness, guidance, and spiritual warfare. It is not a neutral stretch of ‘green vestments’ but a continuation of the supernatural drama of the Church militant, sustained by the fire of divine charity.

The Green of Growth — But Also of Struggle
Liturgically, green dominates this time, symbolising hope and spiritual renewal. Yet the Masses of the Sundays after Pentecost contain numerous reminders that the Christian life is not passive growth but an active battle. Readings from St. Paul’s epistles dominate, especially exhortations to moral purity, perseverance, and readiness for the day of judgment. The Gospels often feature Christ’s miracles, parables of the Kingdom, or calls to vigilance — all designed to awaken souls from spiritual sloth.

Fr. Pius Parsch notes that “the Sundays after Pentecost are dominated by two great thoughts: the growth of the Church and the interior life of the Christian.” These twin aspects — ecclesial expansion and individual sanctity — are ever present in the collects and readings, pointing to the fruit of Pentecost as the Church’s leavening power in the world.

The Numbering and Shape of the Season
In the Tridentine Missal, Sundays are numbered “after Pentecost,” beginning with the Sunday immediately following the octave day (Trinity Sunday stands apart). The exact number of these Sundays varies depending on the date of Easter. Since the final Sundays are taken from the “Sundays after Epiphany” not used earlier in the year, the readings and prayers of the last Sundays are drawn from both ends of the temporal cycle. This produces a subtle eschatological tone in the final weeks — especially from the 24th Sunday after Pentecost onward — anticipating the Second Coming and the Last Judgment.

In this way, the Time after Pentecost includes both the lived reality of the Church’s mission and the urgency of her final consummation. The Kingdom is already present, but not yet fully manifest.

The Role of Feasts and the Saints
The richness of the season is also punctuated by numerous feasts: of Our Lady (e.g., the Visitation, the Assumption), of the angels (e.g., St. Michael), of apostles and martyrs, confessors and virgins. Unlike Advent or Lent, which are penitential in tone, the Time after Pentecost includes joyful celebrations that model Christian holiness in diverse vocations. The saints are the mature fruit of Pentecost, witnesses to the Spirit’s indwelling.

As Dom Guéranger says, this season “is the longest of all in the liturgical year: its length admits of its being considered as the image of eternity.” It teaches that the gifts of the Holy Ghost are not given for a moment, but for a lifetime of growth in grace — and for the eternal life to come.

Conclusion: A Time of Interiorisation and Apostolic Zeal
The Time after Pentecost is not a liturgical afterthought, but the climax of the year — the age of the Church, the time in which we now live. Every soul is invited to be a continuation of the Incarnation through the indwelling of the Holy Ghost. The sacraments, the Mass, and the feasts of the saints all nourish this divine life, which began in Baptism and is ordered to glory.

Thus, the Time after Pentecost is not simply the Church’s “green season,” but her most fruitful and missionary phase — a time of living in the Spirit, bearing His fruits, and hastening toward the return of the King. 🔝


To live unto God: The Sixth Sunday after Pentecost

“Do you not know that all we who are baptized in Christ Jesus are baptized in His death?” (Rom. 6:3)

On this Sixth Sunday after Pentecost, Holy Mother Church, through the Epistle and Gospel, places before us two great themes—the mystery of death and resurrection in Christ, and the miraculous multiplication of bread by which He feeds His people. These are not mere episodes, but profound spiritual realities that speak to the soul about the pattern of divine life: death to self, newness of life, and divine nourishment.

Death and Resurrection: The Pattern of the Christian Life
In the Epistle (Romans 6:3–11), St. Paul unfolds the doctrine of our mystical participation in Christ’s death and resurrection. In Baptism, we were plunged into the death of Christ—not symbolically only, but spiritually and truly. The old man, that is, the self formed by sin and disorder, was crucified with Him so that the body of sin might be destroyed. And if we are dead with Christ, we believe that we shall also live with Him.

Dom Prosper Guéranger writes: “The Church gives us this passage from the Apostle, as a fitting explanation of what Baptism does for man. This Sacrament gives us the death and the life of Jesus. The death, that we may be delivered from sin; the life, that we may walk henceforth in the path of virtue”¹.

Fr. Leonard Goffine, in his Instruction on the Epistle, notes that the “old Adam in us must die; that is, we must continually struggle against evil inclinations, conquer ourselves, and do penance”⁵. His emphasis is pastoral and clear: sanctity demands daily interior mortification.

Fr. Johannes Baur, in his Liturgical Sermons, reflects that this Sunday’s Epistle teaches that “grace is not a mere cleansing agent—it is a principle of life that begins only after the death of the old man.” He writes that true sanctity “does not consist in avoiding sin only, but in a complete transformation through the resurrectional power of Christ within us”⁶.

The spiritual life is not a gentle self-improvement project; it is a crucifixion. As Fr. Alban Goodier explains, “The old man must go… not be reformed, but utterly put away, nailed to the Cross of Christ, buried with Him, and then a new man shall rise”².

We are tempted daily to forget this. The world, with its soft voices and easy pleasures, tells us that comfort is the measure of happiness. But the Gospel—indeed, the very form of the Cross—declares otherwise: we must die, truly and deeply, to our own will, pride, and passions if we would rise with Christ.

The Bread of Christ: Nourishment for the Journey
The Gospel (Mark 8:1–9) gives us the miracle of the multiplication of loaves. Christ sees the hungry multitude and is moved with compassion. He feeds them in the wilderness, as once God fed the Israelites with manna. The Fathers of the Church and traditional commentators saw in this miracle a prefiguration of the Holy Eucharist.

Cornelius a Lapide comments: “This multiplication of loaves was a type of the Eucharist, in which Christ gives not loaves but His own Body—He feeds not four thousand, but the whole world”³.

Fr. Goffine reminds us that this Gospel calls us to confidence in Divine Providence: “He who provided bread in the desert will not fail to nourish the souls who follow Him in penance and faith”⁷. The multiplication thus becomes not only a sign of divine power but of divine fidelity and care.

Fr. Baur, ever the liturgical theologian, writes that the feeding of the multitude “represents the Eucharistic Church in pilgrimage, receiving its strength from the altar, where Christ not only feeds, but gives Himself as food—whole and entire”⁸.

This miracle follows naturally from the Epistle. If we are dead with Christ, we must live by Christ. And what is the food of this new life? Not mere earthly sustenance, not spiritual sentiment, but the Sacred Body and Precious Blood of our Lord. He alone satisfies the hunger of the heart. All else leaves us empty.

Dom Guéranger again observes: “This multiplication in the desert… reminds us of that other table, more mysterious and divine, to which the Gentiles were soon to be invited. There, He would be Himself their food, and the banquet would be for eternity”⁴.

Meditation and Resolution
Are we living the pattern of Baptism? Do we truly die with Christ in our thoughts, habits, affections? Or do we live as though the old man still reigns?

Are we hungry for Christ? Do we come to Him in the Eucharist with longing and love? Or do we come distracted, lukewarm, forgetful of what we receive?

Today’s liturgy calls us to recover a sense of the radical nature of grace: it kills and makes alive. It crucifies and raises. It calls us to a love that hungers only for God. And it reminds us that Christ, who demands all, gives all—His Body for our food, His life for our life.

“He who eats My flesh and drinks My blood has life in him, and I will raise him up on the last day.” (John 6:54)

Let us, then, kneel at the altar with new hunger, new faith, and new resolve: to die daily with Christ, to live only by Him, and to follow Him into the wilderness where He feeds His saints with the Bread of Eternal Life. 🔝

¹ Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, Sixth Sunday after Pentecost.
² Fr. Alban Goodier, The Inner Life of Jesus, ch. 5.
³ Cornelius a Lapide, Commentaria in Sacram Scripturam, on Mark 8:2–9.
⁴ Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, ibid.
⁵ Fr. Leonard Goffine, The Church’s Year of Grace, Sixth Sunday after Pentecost, Epistle.
⁶ Fr. Johannes Baur, Lenten and Summer Sundays: Liturgical Sermons, vol. II, Sixth Sunday after Pentecost.
⁷ Fr. Leonard Goffine, The Church’s Year of Grace, ibid., Gospel.
⁸ Fr. Johannes Baur, Liturgical Sermons, vol. II, on the Gospel for this Sunday.


Missalettes (Sunday VI Post Pentecost)

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Spiritual Reflection for the Sixth Sunday after Pentecost
“So do you also reckon yourselves to be dead indeed to sin, but alive unto God in Christ Jesus our Lord.” (Romans 6:11)

Vivere Deo—to live unto God—is not merely a pious aspiration but the very pattern of Christian existence. On this Sixth Sunday after Pentecost, the Church invites us to contemplate what it means to live unto God, not in theory, but in the crucible of baptismal death and Eucharistic life.

The words of St. Paul resound like a call to arms: we are to consider ourselves dead to sin, no longer enslaved to its lies and appetites, and instead alive to God, animated by the life of grace. This is not metaphor. This is the Christian mystery: life comes through death.

Death to Sin: The Gate of Life
“Know you not,” St. Paul asks, “that all we who are baptized in Christ Jesus are baptized in His death?” (Rom. 6:3). The old man—self-centered, enslaved by passion, resisting God—must be crucified. This is not a momentary decision or a one-time event, but a lifelong dying. Fr. Leonard Goffine writes: “Our old man must be destroyed, not by being reformed, but by dying entirely, so that the new man may arise in holiness.”¹

Vivere Deo means a continual dying to self. It is to nail pride to the cross. To put to death disordered desires. To kill the subtle rebellion in the soul that murmurs against obedience, purity, patience, or sacrifice. This death is not morbid—it is liberating. For in dying to sin, we rise to the freedom of the children of God.

The Wilderness and the Bread of Life
The Gospel (Mark 8:1–9) shows Christ in the wilderness, surrounded by thousands who have followed Him, hungry and weary. He does not send them away. He feeds them. And He does so not with what they bring, but with what He provides and multiplies.

Here we see the meaning of Vivere Deo more deeply. We do not live unto God by our own strength. We live by what He gives—above all, by Himself. “The multiplication of loaves,” writes Fr. Johannes Baur, “foreshadows the Eucharist, by which Christ nourishes not the body only but the new man born in Baptism”².

To live unto God, we must be fed by God. Vivere Deo is not white-knuckled asceticism, but a hunger for the Bread of Heaven. Just as the people in the Gospel followed Christ into the wilderness and were sustained, so must we withdraw from the world’s comforts to be nourished by Christ’s Body and Blood.

The Eucharistic Life
Dom Guéranger teaches that this Sunday’s liturgy unites the two great works of God: regeneration and sustenance. “The Epistle shows us the soul dead to sin and born anew in Christ. The Gospel shows us Christ feeding this new life with His own gift. Both are necessary: the tomb of sin must be left behind, and the table of Christ approached with longing.”³

Vivere Deo means frequent, fervent Communion. It means to live a life centered on the altar. Not just to receive the Host, but to become like what we receive: broken, offered, holy. The Christian, nourished by Christ, becomes an extension of Christ’s life in the world.

The World Will Not Understand
To live unto God is to live differently. It is to be misunderstood. The world lives de seipso—unto itself. But the Christian, dead to the world and alive to God, lives a paradox: he dies to live, he surrenders to conquer, he becomes poor to be rich.

This is the scandal and glory of the Cross. This is why Fr. Alban Goodier insists that the Christian life is not “reformation” but “resurrection”⁴. The one who lives unto God is not a slightly improved man. He is a new creation.

Conclusion: Daily Renewal
Vivere Deo is not achieved once, but renewed daily. It begins each morning with a fresh renunciation of sin, and deepens each day with every act of love, sacrifice, and fidelity to grace.

Let us, then, renew our baptismal promise: to renounce Satan, and all his works, and all his pomps. Let us approach the altar not as passive spectators but as hungry followers of Christ. Let us receive the Bread of Life with the prayer, “Lord, that I may live unto Thee, and not unto myself.”

Vivere Deo: this is the vocation of every Christian soul. It is the only life worth living. It is the life of Christ in us. 🔝

¹ Fr. Leonard Goffine, The Church’s Year of Grace, Sixth Sunday after Pentecost, Epistle.
² Fr. Johannes Baur, Liturgical Sermons, vol. II, on Mark 8.
³ Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, Sixth Sunday after Pentecost.
⁴ Fr. Alban Goodier, The Inner Life of Jesus, ch. 5.


A sermon for Sunday

by the Revd Dr Robert Wilson PhD (Cantab), Old Roman Apostolate UK

St. Jerome Emiliani/Sixth Sunday after Pentecost (July 20)

Today we celebrate the feast of St. Jerome Emiliani, as well as commemorating the Sixth Sunday after Pentecost. St. Jerome Emiliani was born in Venice in 1483. He was from a noble family and his early life was preoccupied with his involvement in the interminable wars between rival Italian states that defined the period. He served in the army of the Venetian republic. When the League of Cambrai was formed to resist the Venetians, he was appointed to command the fortress of Castelnuovo, in the mountains near Treviso. When the town fell he was taken prisoner and chained to a dungeon. He had previously led a careless and irreligious life, but he discerned a religious vocation, and decided to dedicate the rest of his life to the service of God. He was able to escape his imprisonment and made his way to a church in Treviso, where he renounced his earlier life as a soldier. He was initially given the post of mayor of the town. Soon after he returned to Venice to take charge of the education of his nephews and pursue his studies for his priestly vocation. He was finally ordained in 1518.

The age was not only one of constant warfare, but also there were famines and plagues. St. Jerome devoted himself to the relief of all those in need, particularly abandoned orphans. He hired a house, clothed and fed them at his own expense and instructed them in the Christian life. In 1531, after himself recovering from the plague, he resolved to devote himself solely to others. He founded orphanages at Brescia, Bergamo, and Como, a shelter for penitent prostitutes, and a hospital at Verona. Around 1532, assisted by two other priests he established a congregation of men, and at Somascha, between Bergamo and Milan, he founded a house to further the religious exercises of those who were to be received into the congregation. The order became known as the Clerks Regular of Somascha, and its principal work was the care of orphans. It continued also to be involved in the instruction of youth and young clerics. St. Jerome died on 8th February, 1537.

It is fitting that we hear today from the words of Isaiah, in which the prophet exhorts the people to “deal thy bread to the hungry, and bring the needy and the harbourless into thy house: when thou shalt see one naked, cover him, and despise not thy own flesh.” Faith was not simply about outward religious observances in accordance with the letter of the law, but above all a way of life. “If thou wilt take away the chain out of the midst of thee, and cease to stretch out the finger, and to speak that which profiteth not. When thou shalt pour out thy soul to the hungry, and shalt satisfy the afflicted soul, then shall thy light rise up in darkness, and thy darkness shall be as the noon day. And the Lord will give thee rest continually, and will fill thy soul with brightness, and deliver thy bones: and thou shalt be like a watered garden, and like a fountain of water whose waters shall not fail.”

In the Old Testament there is a constant tension between the kings who exercised power, and the prophets who preached righteousness. While the authority of the civil power in the person of the monarch ultimately came from God, with power came responsibility. It was the role of the prophet to be a watchman of the house of Israel, to exhort the people and their rulers to follow the old paths and not follow the multitude to do evil. Then as now there were false prophets who prophesised smooth things, who told the people and their rulers what they wanted to hear. By contrast, the true prophet was often and uncomfortable and disturbing figure, a voice crying the wilderness, whether they will hear or whether they will forbear, as Ezekiel put it. The prophet Nathan confronted king David over his adultery with Bathsheba. The prophet Elijah rebuked King Ahab over the murder of Naboth to acquire his vineyard for the king.

Jesus proclaimed himself to be the full, final and definitive revelation of God’s will. He did not come to destroy the Law and the Prophets, but to fulfil them. But he not only preached the truth, boldly rebuked vice and patiently suffered the consequences. He also reached out to seek and save the lost. In today’s Gospel from St. Matthew we hear how the disciples rebuked those who presented children to Jesus for him to bless them. But Jesus said “Suffer the little children, and forbid them not to come to me; for the kingdom of heaven is for such.” He told a rich young man who asked him what he must do to inherit the life of the world to come that it was not enough simply to obey the commandments. The young man himself said that he had kept all these from his youth. But Jesus said to him, “If thou wilt be perfect, go, sell what thou hast and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven; and come, follow me.” This was too much for the man to accept, and he turned away sorrowful, for he had many possessions.

But where the rich young man failed to rise to Jesus’ challenge, St. Jerome Emiliani centuries later was one who did. He was also a rich young man, but he accepted the call of Jesus to give up his possessions to those in need and devote his life to the service of God and neighbour. This shows that Jesus’ challenge was not simply an impossible ideal, the unattainable that we are yet bound to attain, but one that, when taken seriously, has had effects in history. Not all those who have sought to help those in need have done so in the name of Christ, but more often than not, both then and now, it is the Christian faith that has been the primary motivation for great charitable endeavours.

Jesus did not call all his followers to renounce their possessions and follow him, for many remained in their homes and families. But he called us all to renounce our past sinful lives and devote ourselves to the service of God and neighbour.

Let us pray that we will be inspired by the example of St. Jerome Emiliani and seek to help those most in need in our own time and place.

O God, the father of mercies, grant, by the merits and prayers of blessed Jerome, whom thou didst raise up to be the father and helper of orphans, that we may faithfully keep the spirit of adoption, whereby we are both in name and in deed thy children. 🔝

Sixth Sunday after Pentecost

All we who are baptised in Christ Jesus are baptised in his death. For we are buried together with him by baptism unto death; that as Christ is risen from the dead by the glory of the Father, so we also may walk in newness of life.

In today’s epistle we hear from St. Paul’s exhortation to the Romans to remain faithful to their baptismal calling. They had been buried with Christ in baptism and had died to the old self. As Christ had been raised from the dead by the glory of the Father, so they too should walk in newness of life. “For if we have been planted together in the likeness of his death, we shall also be in the likeness of his resurrection. Knowing this, that our old man is crucified with him, that the body of sin may be destroyed, and that we may serve sin no longer. For he that is dead is justified from sin.” For Christ having been raised from the dead dieth no more. Death hath no more dominion over him. For in that he died he died unto sin once. But in that he liveth he liveth unto God. They should therefore reckon themselves to be dead to sin, but alive to God in Jesus Christ.

But what was the context in which St. Paul wrote these words? St. Paul wrote to the Romans in anticipation of his future visit there. Since it was a church that he did not found and had not previously visited, it was necessary for him to provide an introduction to himself in which he sought to explain the gospel that he proclaimed and address misunderstandings of his message that had arisen. St. Paul’s letters are not systematic treatises of theology, but are written in response to problems that had arisen in churches that he had founded. The Epistle to the Romans was also written in response to a specific context, but in introducing himself to the Church at Rome St. Paul provides a more systematic presentation of his message than in his other epistles. In many ways the Epistle to the Romans provides a calmer and more measured exposition of what he had previously written in the heat of the moment to the Galatians.

The Epistle to the Romans expounds the gospel which he believed to be the power of God unto salvation, both for the Jew and for the Gentile. As a Jew he had always believed in one God who had created all things and had chosen Israel as a light to the nations. In the fullness of time the Gentile nations would renounce their idols and worship the God of Israel, God’s Kingdom would come on earth as it is in heaven, the Holy Spirit would be poured out on all flesh and the dead would be raised. But when he saw the light on the Damascus Road he came to believe that whereas he had expected the dead to finally be raised at the end of history, the resurrection had now come through one man, Jesus, in the midst of history. In the life, death and resurrection of Jesus the new age had already dawned in the midst of time, though the present age of sin and death was still very much in operation. It was therefore time for the Gentiles to renounce their idols and worship the one true God of Israel who had finally fully revealed himself in Jesus. Salvation was now freely available to all who repented of their sins and were baptised, whether they were Jews or Gentiles. There was no need for the Gentiles to become circumcised Jews and observe the Law of Moses. All that was necessary was for them to believe and be baptised and they would be justified by faith. For all have sinned and fallen short of the glory of God, but God in his love and mercy had provided a means of salvation through the atoning work of Jesus upon the cross. All who believed and were baptised were now members of the new covenant people of God, in which sins were forgiven.

His message therefore was that Christians, members of the Body of Christ, should become what they are. They all shared in the curse of sin and death which had come upon humanity through the sin of Adam, the sin of pride. But as sin and death had come in Adam, so righteousness and salvation had come through one man, Jesus Christ. Salvation was made available to all through incorporation to him. Hence, when St. Paul speaks of Christians being members of the Body of Christ, he is not referring to a supra-personal collective, but a single personal organism. For Christians not to allow the Holy Spirit to bear fruit in their lives is not simply wrong in itself, but is a denial of their very identity as members of the Body of Christ.

The good news of the gospel is that God in Christ has done for us what we could not do for ourselves and has reconciled the world to himself. All that is necessary for us is to recognise our own fallen nature, and repent of our sins and be baptised into the Body of Christ. The Christian life, the life of holiness and sanctification, is not something that we do for God, but rather it is what he has done for us. We need to renounce our pride and ego centered way of life and allow the Holy Spirit to enable us to become what we are.

St. Paul’s point was later developed by St. Augustine when he said that the real freedom is not to sin, for it is in service to God that perfect freedom is to be found. When we were the slaves of sin we were free from righteousness, but there is now no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesus, for the law of the spirit of life has set us free from the law of sin and death. For the wages of sin is death, but the grace of God is eternal life through Jesus Christ. Let us pray that the Holy Spirit may pour into our hearts that most excellent gift of charity that we may become what in Christ we now are. 🔝

St. James (July 25)

Today we celebrate the feast of St. James. St. James, along with his brother St. John, was one of the inner circle of Jesus’ disciples (along with St. Peter). St. James and St. John were the sons of Zebedee and shared in their father’s fishing business in Galilee. They were initially followers of St. John the Baptist, and then became followers of Jesus as the one to whom St. John the Baptist pointed as the Coming One who would separate the wheat from the chaff and would baptise with the Holy Spirit and with fire (John 1). Subsequently, following his earlier mission alongside St. John the Baptist in Judea, Jesus came into Galilee proclaiming that the Kingdom of God, future in its fullness, was now being manifested in his own words and mighty works. He called St. James and St. John to leave behind their fishing business and become his permanent disciples. In following him they would become fishers of men (Luke 5). Presumably on the strength of this commitment they formed (along with St. Peter) the inner circle of Jesus’ disciples. They were known as the sons of thunder, perhaps on account of their fiery temperament, and this passionate commitment is reflected in the Gospel, Epistles and Revelation of St. John. They accompanied him (along with St. Peter) at many of the most crucial points in his ministry, on the Mount of the Transfiguration, at the preparation for the Last Supper in the Upper Room and in the Garden of Gethsemane.

After his resurrection, ascension and the coming of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost they received the great commission to preach the Gospel. While St. James is now somewhat overshadowed by his brother St. John (who appears alongside St. Peter in the early chapters of the Acts of the Apostles) it was St. James who was the first of the apostles to be martyred in the persecution under King Herod (Acts 12). St. Peter escaped from prison in this persecution, while St. John finally settled in Ephesus where he survived until the end of the first century. Tradition has it that the relics of St. James were later transferred from Jerusalem to Santiago de Compostela in northern Spain. This became one of the great places of pilgrimage in the middle ages and remains a place of pilgrimage to this day.

The passionate commitment of St. James (as with his brother St. John) is clear. However, his zeal was not always according to knowledge. He was initially drawn to follow one whom St. John the Baptist foretold would separate the wheat from the chaff. It was probably with this in mind that the two sons of Zebedee asked Jesus to call down fire from heaven, even as Elijah did, on a village that did not receive the Gospel. Jesus replied that they did not know what spirit they were of, for the Son of Man had not come to destroy men’s lives but to save them (Luke 9). They followed one in whom the eyes of the blind were opened and the ears of the deaf unstopped, who they believed to be the anointed liberator of Israel, through whom the promises of God for Israel and the world were finally being fulfilled.

When St. Peter acknowledged Jesus as the Christ at Caesarea Philippi Jesus hailed him as the rock on which the Church, the faithful remnant of Israel would be built. Yet when Jesus intimated that his messianic destiny, enthronement and rule would only come through reversal, repudiation, suffering and death St. Peter sought to dissuade him from this cause of action. He was still looking for a warrior and a conqueror, but God’s Messiah was to be a servant (Matthew 16). Likewise St. James and St. James also still saw the kingdom in triumphalist terms. They had given passionate commitment to the cause and desired first place in the kingdom, indeed to sit one on Jesus’ right hand and one on his left. Jesus asked if they were willing to share his cup and be baptised with his baptism (Matthew 20). The baptism of fire which St. John the Baptist had foretold would be undergone by Jesus rather than simply dispensed by him. His baptism in the waters of the Jordan would finally be consummated at Golgotha, for the Son of Man came not to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many. Though they did not fully understand the implications of what they were asking St. James and St. John would themselves eventually undergo this baptism of blood, St. James in the persecution under Herod, while St. John would later escape from a cauldron of boiling oil in Rome to survive until the end of the first century in Ephesus.

There is much to learn from the life of St. James today. There is still a tendency to see Christian ministry in triumphalist terms. People expect prosperity and material reward for their commitment to a cause. But Jesus did not promise ease and comfort for his followers in this world, but rather that they would themselves experience (as he himself had done) reversal, repudiation, suffering and even death. This is much easier to state in theory than it is to witness to in practice. Yet the word martyr means witness, and as Tertullian put it, the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church. St. James was the first of the apostles to bear witness through martyrdom. The roll call of martyrs continues from the first ages of the Church to this day. We are called to follow this apostolic witness in our own time. Even if we do not face actual martyrdom as St. James did, we still face opposition and hostility from the world. Let us pray that we will follow the passionate commitment of St. James in our own time and place, and that our zeal may be according to knowledge. 🔝


The Feast of St James the Great, Apostle: July 25

Apostle, Pilgrim, and Martyr

The Feast of Saint James the Greater, Apostle, is celebrated on July 25 in the traditional Roman calendar. He is called the Greater (Latin: Maior) not because of any moral superiority to his namesake, Saint James the Less, but likely because he was either older or taller. The son of Zebedee and brother of John the Evangelist, Saint James was one of the first disciples to be called by Our Lord, and one of the three privileged to witness His Transfiguration, the raising of Jairus’ daughter, and His agony in Gethsemane.

Liturgical Rank and Propers
In the Tridentine Missal, this feast is of Double Second Class rank, with a proper Introit, Collect, Epistle, Gradual, Gospel, Offertory, Secret, Communion, and Postcommunion, all focused on his apostolic authority, zeal, and martyrdom.

The Epistle (Acts 12:1–11) recounts the persecution of the Church under Herod Agrippa, who “killed James the brother of John with the sword.” This is the only apostolic martyrdom recorded in Scripture and thus grants St. James particular distinction as the first apostolic martyr, fulfilling Christ’s prophecy: “You shall indeed drink of My chalice” (Mt 20:23).

The Gospel (Matthew 20:20–23) presents the bold request of James and John through their mother: to sit at Christ’s right and left in glory. Our Lord responds with a challenge to share in His suffering, a cup of bitter passion, which James would indeed drink to its dregs.

Spain’s Patron and the Way of Compostela
Saint James holds a unique place in Spanish devotion as Santiago Matamoros, the patron of Spain. According to pious tradition, after Pentecost he journeyed west to evangelise the Iberian Peninsula. Though his missionary success seemed meagre, he later appeared in vision to encourage the faithful in Spain and is said to have been mystically transported there after his martyrdom, his relics enshrined at Santiago de Compostela in Galicia. This shrine became the third most important Christian pilgrimage site after Jerusalem and Rome, especially during the Middle Ages.

The famous pilgrimage, the Camino de Santiago, grew around this devotion and has been revived in modern times, though often now stripped of its penitential or Catholic character. Nevertheless, it remains a testimony to the deep cultural and spiritual impact of this Apostle on Christendom.

Symbolism and Iconography
Saint James is commonly depicted as a pilgrim: wide-brimmed hat, scallop shell (the traditional badge of the Compostelan pilgrims), staff, and travel pouch. He may also be shown with a sword, referencing both his martyrdom and, in Spanish imagery, his legendary appearances in battle during the Reconquista. The scallop shell became a widespread symbol of pilgrimage, recalling the countless souls journeying to Compostela in hope of mercy and transformation.

Apostolic Zeal and Martyr’s Faith
The Collect of the feast recalls James’s readiness to obey the call of Christ, even unto death:

Sancti Jacóbi, Apóstoli tui, quaesumus, Dómine, festívitas gloriósa, tuam nobis tríbuat gratiam: et peccáta nostra dimittat, et apud te semper fáciat esse devótos.

We beseech Thee, O Lord, that the glorious solemnity of Thine Apostle Saint James may, by his intercession, bestow upon us Thy grace: and may both forgive our sins and grant us ever to serve Thee devoutly.

Here the connection is clear: the feast is not only a commemoration of a great Apostle but an invitation to imitate his boldness, loyalty, and self-offering. The traditional rite expresses this through rich Scriptural typology, noble chant, and the ancient collect—a spirituality of sacrifice and devotion rooted in the Apostolic Church.

Final Thought: “Can You Drink the Chalice?”
Saint James the Greater reminds us of the radical nature of discipleship. From leaving his nets behind to standing unflinching before Herod’s sword, James exemplifies the truth that to follow Christ is to lose all in order to gain all. His pilgrimage—first to Christ, then to Spain, finally to martyrdom—is the pattern of every Christian life: faith, mission, suffering, and glory.

On this feast, the Church invites us anew to say with James: “I can.” Not in our strength, but in the power of Him who called us. 🔝


The Feast of St Anne: July 26

Mother of the Mother of God, Model of Faithful Maternity

Introduction
The Church celebrates the Feast of St Anne, mother of the Blessed Virgin Mary and grandmother of Our Lord Jesus Christ, on July 26. Though not mentioned in Sacred Scripture, her name and role come down to us through ancient Christian tradition, especially the Protoevangelium of James, a 2nd-century apocryphal text that preserves early Christian piety regarding the holy parents of the Virgin Mary.

A Hidden But Glorious Vocation
St Anne’s greatness lies not in dramatic works or martyrdom but in her hidden, maternal vocation—preparing and nurturing the one who would become the living tabernacle of God Incarnate. In this, she is a type of the Old Testament matriarchs, like Sarah and Hannah, whose faith and patience bore fruit in the divine plan.

According to tradition, Anne and her husband Joachim were childless until, after years of prayer and humiliation, an angel revealed to each of them—separately—that they would be blessed with a child who would be honoured by all generations. This parallels the theme of miraculous conception found often in salvation history and reminds us that God’s providence often works most powerfully in the weak and lowly.

Patroness and Intercessor
St Anne is the patroness of mothers, women in labour, and the childless, as well as educators and Christian families. Her cult has been widespread in both East and West from the early centuries, with devotion flourishing particularly in the Middle Ages and beyond. Many churches and shrines are dedicated to her, the most famous perhaps being Sainte-Anne-de-Beaupré in Québec, Canada, a place of pilgrimage and miraculous healings.

Her Liturgical Commemoration
In the Traditional Roman Calendar, the feast of St Anne is a double major, celebrated with white vestments, emphasizing her spiritual purity and joy. The Mass texts extol her as the bearer of the root from which blossomed the Flower of Jesse—Christ Himself. The Gospel is taken from the account of the woman in the crowd praising the womb that bore Jesus (Luke 11:27–28), underscoring Anne’s role in salvation history through her daughter, Mary.

A Model for Today
In an age that downplays the dignity of motherhood, St Anne reminds us of the primordial vocation of womanhood—to receive, nurture, and bring forth life, both physically and spiritually. She stands as a model of steadfast faith, embodying the virtues of patience, trust in divine providence, and reverence for the sacred.

As the grandmother of Christ, she also reminds us of the importance of generational holiness—the transmission of faith through families, the sanctification of the domestic church, and the unseen sacrifices of parents and grandparents that build the foundations of sainthood.

Conclusion
On her feast, the Church calls us to honour not only a woman who bore the Mother of God, but to recognise in her a profound mystery: that God sanctifies and works through ordinary human family life. St Anne shows us that to raise a child in holiness is to participate in the unfolding of salvation.

Prayer
O Glorious St Anne, faithful mother and blessed grandmother, intercede for us, that we may, by your example and prayers, cherish the vocation of Christian motherhood and family life, and so help bring Christ into the world anew. Amen. 🔝

NOVENA TO ST ANNE

A Living Tradition in the Heart of Chicago: St Anne’s Old Roman Mission Prepares for Its Patronal Feast

As July 26 approaches, the faithful attached to St Anne’s Old Roman Catholic Mission in Chicago are preparing to honour their patroness in a manner befitting one of the most venerable traditions in American Catholicism. Though the Mission does not currently have a dedicated church building, it is faithfully served by the Missionary Franciscans of Christ the King, who offer Mass and sacraments at St Felix Friary, a centre of traditional Catholic life in the city.

A Legacy Rooted in Apostolic Continuity
The St Anne Mission stands as a visible sign of the Old Roman Catholic Apostolate in Chicago, one of the oldest apostolates of its kind in the United States. Established in 1919 by Archbishop Carmel Henry Carfora, the apostolate maintains unbroken apostolic succession, traditional Catholic doctrine, and the Tridentine liturgy, all preserved in fidelity to the perennial teachings of the Church.

Today, that legacy is safeguarded by clergy and faithful committed to orthodoxy, reverence, and sacramental integrity. The Mission exists not as a monument to the past, but as a living witness to the enduring truth of the Catholic faith.

A Shrine Without a Temple—Yet Rich in Grace
Though it lacks a dedicated parish church, St Anne’s Mission is no less a sanctuary. The faithful gather at the St Felix Friary, where the friars of the Missionary Franciscans of Christ the King offer the Traditional Latin Mass, daily prayers, catechesis, and the full sacramental life.

Here, in a modest but deeply sacred setting, the faithful keep vigil—not merely for tradition’s sake, but for the salvation of souls. The Friary’s chapel is a spiritual hearth where ancient liturgy is not merely preserved, but lived with fervour and conviction.

The Patronal Feast of St Anne: July 26
Leading up to the feast, the faithful are encouraged to participate in a novenal preparation, offering prayers, intentions, and acts of reparation. The Mission invites not only regular members but all Catholics in the region who are drawn to the beauty and integrity of traditional worship.

An Answer to the Crisis of Modern Catholicism
In an era of doctrinal confusion, liturgical innovation, and spiritual rootlessness, St Anne’s Old Roman Mission stands apart. It offers an anchor—a deeply rooted expression of the Catholic religion, faithful to the perennial Magisterium and sacramental order. The friars and laity of the Mission live the conviction that to restore the Church, one must begin by restoring the altar.

The community’s motto—Ancient Faith in a Modern World—is not a nostalgic slogan but a prophetic call. In the very city where secularism and moral ambiguity dominate public life, the Mission speaks clearly: “This is the faith of our fathers. This is the way of the saints.”

Conclusion: St Anne, Glorious Matriarch of Salvation
As the faithful of Chicago gather to honour St Anne, they do so in union with the Church across centuries. Though small in number and modest in setting, they participate in a vast spiritual inheritance. In the grandmother of Christ, they see not only a heavenly intercessor, but a model of perseverance, purity, and hidden fidelity.

Please pray for the administrator, Bishop Nioclas Kelly, the priests and the faithful of the mission. 🔝

“St Anne, faithful mother of the Virgin and holy teacher of the hidden life, pray for us!”



Forgotten Rubrics: Preparation for Holy Communion

In the traditional Roman Rite, especially prior to the liturgical upheavals of the 20th century, the faithful were guided by a rich body of devotional and liturgical customs that shaped their preparation for Holy Communion. Many of these rubrics and practices have been forgotten or diminished in the modern age. Yet their recovery is essential if we are to restore a proper reverence and fruitful participation in the Holy Eucharist—the Sacrament of Sacraments.

1. The Eucharistic Fast: More than Just an Hour
The current one-hour fast, introduced by Pope Paul VI in Paenitemini (1966), is a major departure from earlier discipline. Traditionally, the faithful were required to fast from midnight before receiving Holy Communion. Pope Pius XII mitigated this somewhat in 1953 and again in 1957, allowing water and, in the latter case, a three-hour fast from solid food and one hour from liquids other than water.

This rigorous fast expressed the solemnity of the sacrament and cultivated a spirit of bodily and spiritual vigilance. It also reflected ancient tradition: St. Augustine remarks that Christians receive the Body of the Lord “on an empty stomach” (Sermon 229), and this discipline was held for centuries.

2. Confession and State of Grace
The Council of Trent solemnly declared:
“No one conscious of mortal sin, however contrite he may seem to himself, ought to approach the sacred Eucharist without sacramental confession beforehand.”¹

The traditional Missal presupposes this in the general practice of Communion. Though not formally codified in the rubrics for the laity, this expectation was universally observed and preached. The Confiteor said before Communion by the servers (or deacon and subdeacon in Solemn Mass), followed by the priest’s absolution (Misereatur and Indulgentiam), was never intended to replace sacramental confession. Rather, it acted as a final purification of venial sins and a reminder of the need for purity of soul.

3. Preparatory Prayers Before Mass
The Missal contains a full set of preparatory prayers for Holy Communion, including Psalm 83 (Quam dilecta), Psalm 84 (Benedixisti), Psalm 85 (Inclina Domine), and a litany of fervent petitions for grace, humility, and a worthy reception. These prayers, often omitted or rushed today, were once a staple of Catholic devotional life.

St. Thomas Aquinas’s Prayer Before Communion (starting “Almighty and everlasting God, behold I come to the Sacrament…”) and Adoro Te Devote were recited by the devout, often memorised and passed on from parent to child.

4. External Conduct: Silence, Dress, and Posture
The traditional rubrics emphasize that external reverence aids internal devotion. Silence before Mass—indeed from the moment one enters the church—was strictly maintained. Dress was modest and decorous, with women veiling and men donning jacket and tie as a mark of respect for the Divine Presence.

Receiving Holy Communion kneeling and on the tongue is not just a preference—it is an external rubric that reflects profound theological truth. The communicant does not “take” but receives the Lord. The hands remain folded in prayer, and the priest utters the formula (Corpus Domini nostri Jesu Christi custodiat animam tuam in vitam aeternam. Amen.) over each person, reinforcing the personal and sacred nature of the act.

5. Thanksgiving After Communion
One of the most forgotten rubrics is what follows: thanksgiving. Traditionally, a period of silent prayer after Mass or formal devotions such as the Anima Christi, Psalms, or the Prayer of St. Bonaventure were expected. The Catechism of the Council of Trent urges the faithful to remain after Mass and “spend some time in thanksgiving, recalling the benefits and graces they have received”².

St. Alphonsus Liguori teaches that “there is no prayer more agreeable to God than that which is made after Communion.”³ Modern haste has all but erased this custom, but its rediscovery brings spiritual transformation.

Conclusion: A Sacred Encounter Requires Preparation
To prepare for Communion is to prepare to meet God Himself. The traditional rubrics and devotional practices—many of them now neglected—remind us that the Holy Eucharist is not casual nourishment, but the divine fire of love which consumes and sanctifies.

To forget these rubrics is to risk treating the sacred as commonplace. To remember them is to draw near with fear and love, like Moses before the burning bush.

Let us then recover these forgotten rubrics—not as antiquarian curiosities, but as precious treasures of the Church’s wisdom, handed down by saints for our sanctification. 🔝

¹ Council of Trent, Session XIII, Canon 11.
² Catechism of the Council of Trent, Part II, The Sacrament of the Eucharist, On the Manner of Receiving.
³ St. Alphonsus Liguori, The Holy Eucharist, Treatise VII.


Without God: A Personal Reflection on the Collapse of Order
by the Archbishop of Selsey

Some time ago, I composed a brief meditation which, though simple in form, has prompted wide reflection and resonance:

Without God…
The university seeks knowledge, but forgets wisdom.
The scientist discovers facts, but discards truth.
The heart chases lust, mistaking it for love.
The politician craves power, not justice.
The artist worships beauty, but not the Beautiful.

This was not intended as poetry, still less as polemic, but as a pastoral expression of what I have long observed. In every sphere of life—education, science, personal relationships, public service, and the arts—there is evident a growing disorientation. The common cause of this disorder is the eclipse of God. When the transcendent order is denied, the natural order begins to collapse.

Universities were once founded as bastions of Christian wisdom, where reason served Revelation. Today they have become engines of ideology, no longer concerned with truth but with consensus or activism. As Pope Pius XI taught in Divini Illius Magistri, education without reference to God becomes a deformation of the mind rather than its formation.¹ Detached from first principles and ultimate ends, the modern academy produces clever men who cannot see, and learned men who cannot judge. The result is a system that promotes specialisation without sanctification, and research without reverence.

Scientific inquiry, too, suffers when its moral compass is broken. The pursuit of facts, if not ordered by the natural law, becomes dangerous. In Sapientiae Christianae, Pope Leo XIII warned that the unbridled license of thought, ungoverned by faith, undermines the very foundations of reason.² We now live in a world where human life is manipulated in laboratories, and where nature is not revered but rewritten, often with destructive results.

What the modern world calls “love” is often no more than sentimentalism or sensual appetite. Love without chastity and sacrifice becomes exploitation. The culture of pornography, fornication, and fractured families is not the fruit of liberty, but of disordered liberty. When lust is mistaken for love, and feeling for fidelity, souls suffer. This is not a private failure but a public tragedy, as the very structure of society—the family—collapses under the weight of selfish desire. Pope Leo XIII, in Arcanum Divinae, taught that the Christian understanding of marriage and family life is the cornerstone of any civilised society.³ Without it, we see what we now endure: confusion, isolation, and despair.

In politics, power has become an end in itself. Detached from justice, truth, and the common good, public authority degenerates into spectacle or coercion. Pope St. Pius X, in Notre Charge Apostolique, warned of those who seek to “neutralise” God in the public sphere.⁴ But a state without God cannot remain morally upright. It must either fall into anarchy or impose ideology as its new dogma. True authority must serve the law of God; otherwise, it becomes a mask for tyranny.

The arts, too, are now often void of transcendence. Once a means of glorifying God and elevating the soul, art has become a mirror of human vanity or chaos. Beauty, as St. Thomas Aquinas taught, is a participation in divine harmony.⁵ But when the Beautiful is rejected, aesthetics degrade into either sentimentalism or shock. Modern man no longer beholds glory; he stares at himself.

All this leads me to what I expressed in the second part of the meditation:

Man, exalting himself, falls lower than the beasts…
He builds towers to heaven, but forgets the foundation.
He names evil as good, and scoffs at the Cross.

This is the new idolatry. Man does not stop worshipping when he rejects God—he merely worships lesser things: himself, his appetites, his ideologies. Pope Pius XII, in Summi Pontificatus, warned that in denying God, man ultimately denies himself.⁶ The paradox of modernity is that in striving to be free from God, man becomes a slave—to pleasure, to power, to pride.

Yet this is not a meditation of despair. It is a call to restoration. I concluded:

But with God…
Knowledge becomes light.
Desire becomes charity.
Power becomes service.
And man, humbled and redeemed,
Finds his beginning and his end—
In the Word made flesh.

This is the Catholic vision, and the only true remedy for the disintegration we witness. In E Supremi Apostolatus, Pope St. Pius X declared that the task of our age is to restore all things in Christ.⁷ Only in Him do reason, love, authority, and beauty find their true meaning. He is not a religious preference; He is the Logos through whom all things were made.

We must proclaim this truth again with courage. In our homes, our schools, our chapels, and our public discourse, we must restore God to His rightful place—not as a decorative sentiment, but as the origin and end of all that is. Without Him, nothing holds. With Him, all things are renewed.

Let those with ears to hear, hear. 🔝

¹ Pius XI, Divini Illius Magistri (1929), §7
² Leo XIII, Sapientiae Christianae (1890), §8
³ Leo XIII, Arcanum Divinae Sapientiae (1880), §10
⁴ Pius X, Notre Charge Apostolique (1910), §24
⁵ Cf. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, I, q. 5, a. 4
⁶ Pius XII, Summi Pontificatus (1939), §3
⁷ Pius X, E Supremi Apostolatus (1903), §4



“The Church Was Attacked”: Death and Devastation at Gaza’s Holy Family

The last remaining Catholic church in the Gaza Strip, the Holy Family Church in Gaza City’s Zeitoun neighbourhood, was struck Thursday by Israeli military fire, killing at least two civilians and injuring over a dozen more, including the parish priest. The Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem named the victims as Saad Issa Kostandi Salameh and Foumia Issa Latif Ayyad, both sheltering within the church compound when it was hit.

The parish priest, Fr Gabriel Romanelli, an Argentinian missionary of the Institute of the Incarnate Word, was wounded by shrapnel in his leg. His injuries were described as mild, and he returned shortly after to assist the wounded and offer comfort. Fr Romanelli has become widely known during the Gaza war for his refusal to abandon the faithful and for his direct communication with Pope Francis before the latter’s death.

Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, stated plainly that “the church was attacked this morning.” In comments to the Pillar Catholic, the cardinal expressed serious doubts about whether the strike was accidental, saying: “I am not sure it was a mistake.”¹ The patriarchate’s official statement condemned the attack, calling the war itself “barbaric” and appealing for an end to the violence.

Pope Leo XIV, through a statement issued by Secretary of State Cardinal Pietro Parolin, expressed his “profound sorrow” at the news of the deaths and injuries and renewed his call for “an immediate ceasefire, the restoration of dialogue, and a lasting peace based on justice.”² The Pope conveyed his spiritual closeness to Fr Romanelli and the parishioners, invoking Christ’s mercy upon the dead.

The Holy Family compound—Gaza’s only Catholic parish—has served as the last Christian refuge in the Strip since the outbreak of war in October 2023. Housing dozens of displaced and elderly people, it includes a convent, school, and residential quarters. The compound has been damaged repeatedly in recent months. In December 2023, two Christian women were shot and killed by snipers while inside the compound. In July 2024, nearby shelling caused structural damage. Church leaders have consistently called on the warring parties to respect religious sanctuaries and to protect civilians according to international law.

In the wake of the latest strike, global Christian bodies issued strong responses. The World Council of Churches called the attack a “grave violation of international humanitarian law.”³ Orthodox Church leaders likewise denounced the targeting of a place of worship, urging accountability and protection for religious minorities. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni called the bombing “unacceptable,” stating that “no military action can justify targeting civilians or sacred sites.”⁴

The Israeli Defense Forces issued a statement of “deep regret” over the incident and pledged to investigate. Foreign Ministry spokesman Oren Marmorstein said the IDF was reviewing the matter and would publish its findings transparently. But trust in such assurances is in short supply among those who have watched churches, schools, and hospitals become collateral in the protracted siege of Gaza.

The symbolism of the church’s name—the Holy Family—has not gone unnoticed. Just as Christ, Mary, and Joseph were once driven into Egypt by the threat of a tyrant’s sword, so today, Gaza’s Christian faithful find themselves harried, besieged, and hunted in their own land. The parishioners who remain do so not out of political defiance, but out of faith—faith that God remains in the midst of his suffering people.

Fr Romanelli’s return to the church, despite his own wounds, evokes the Good Shepherd who does not flee at the coming of danger (cf. John 10:12–13). His perseverance, like that of his flock, bears witness to a love stronger than fear. In the heart of modern warfare, a theology of the Cross is being lived with unflinching clarity. As one of the survivors reportedly told a visiting journalist: “We have nothing left but God—and that is enough.”

From a moral and theological perspective, the assault on a house of worship—regardless of intention—demands both public outrage and spiritual reparation. The wider Catholic Church, particularly in the West, must not hide behind political complexity. When Christians are killed in their churches and priests wounded in the sanctuary, silence becomes complicity. To speak out is not to take sides in a war, but to stand with Christ wherever He is wounded again in His members.

The Holy Family Church now joins the long list of sanctuaries desecrated by the violence of men and the indifference of those who might have acted. Yet from these ruins, the voice of the Church resounds: “Enough.” The call for peace is not naïve—it is necessary. It is demanded by faith, by reason, and by the dignity of the human person. 🔝

Footnotes
¹ Pillar Catholic, “Pizzaballa: Not sure Gaza parish strike was a mistake”, July 17, 2025
² Vatican News, “Pope renews call for ceasefire after Gaza church hit”, July 17, 2025
³ ICN, “WCC condemns Israeli attack on Holy Family Church in Gaza”, July 17, 2025
⁴ The Sun, “Pope’s pal injured in Gaza strike”, July 17, 2025


Signals and Silences: Pope Leo XIV’s Curial Appointments Trouble Traditional Catholics

The appointment of three high-profile prelates—Cardinals Arthur Roche, Cristóbal López Romero, and Leonardo Ulrich Steiner—to the Dicastery for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life has raised alarm among Catholics hoping that the pontificate of Pope Leo XIV would mark a decisive break from the synodal-progressive legacy of Pope Francis.

All three cardinals have been linked with liturgical restriction, doctrinal ambiguity, or progressive stances on moral teaching. Their selection is being interpreted as a clear signal: that despite hopeful gestures early in his pontificate, Pope Leo may be continuing—rather than correcting—the course of his predecessor.

Cardinal Arthur Roche: Liturgical Suppression as Policy
Cardinal Roche, previously Prefect of the Dicastery for Divine Worship, was the chief executor of Traditionis Custodes, the 2021 motu proprio that curtailed the celebration of the Traditional Latin Mass. In February 2023, he issued a rescript that stripped diocesan bishops of their canonical discretion to permit Latin Masses in parish churches or establish new TLM locations. All such permissions were to be reserved to Rome, effectively neutralizing Canon 87¹.

Many canonists, including J.D. Flynn of The Pillar, challenged the canonical legitimacy of the rescript, arguing that it represented an unlawful centralization of liturgical governance². Roche’s combative rhetoric—such as claiming that TLM adherents are “more Protestant than Catholic”—only deepened distrust among traditional Catholics³.

Commentators on the Faith and Reason program were quick to react. Fr. Charles Murr, a former papal diplomat and critic of Francis-era reforms, warned that Roche’s appointment could lead to the alienation of “millions” of faithful Catholics who have turned to the Traditional Mass as a refuge from doctrinal confusion and liturgical irreverence. He described the Roman Curia as the Church’s “deep state,” whose unspoken motto remains: “Popes come and go; the Curia remains forever.”⁴

Cardinal Cristóbal López Romero: Defying the African Episcopate
Cardinal López Romero, a Spanish-born Jesuit and Archbishop of Rabat, Morocco, was a vocal proponent of same-sex pastoral blessings during the global fallout from Fiducia Supplicans, the December 2023 Vatican declaration permitting non-liturgical blessings for “irregular couples.” While the entire African episcopate rejected the document, López Romero publicly supported it and implemented it in Northern Africa⁵.

As John-Henry Westen noted on Faith and Reason, “He was the one who said ‘we’re going to do the same-sex couple blessings’—even though the rest of the continent said no.”⁶ His promotion to the Roman Curia is seen by many as a reward for doctrinal defiance, and a further sign of Rome’s alignment with Western progressive ideology over the moral clarity of the global South.

Cardinal Leonardo Steiner: From Amazonian Synod to Global Influence
A Francis appointee and key participant in the 2019 Amazon Synod, Cardinal Steiner has been associated with efforts to integrate indigenous cosmologies and ritual elements into Catholic liturgy, including proposals for an “Amazonian rite.” His theological approach embraces ecological spirituality, liturgical innovation, and synodal structures—hallmarks of the Francis pontificate⁷.

According to analyst Frank Wright, Steiner’s inclusion, along with Roche and López Romero, signals a Vatican still “wedded to a dead ideology,” resistant to offering the Church’s perennial teachings as an alternative to modern chaos. “They want us to become Amazonian pagans,” he warned. “This is mad enough to be true. Because this is where we are.”⁸

A Tense Contradiction
These appointments stand in awkward contrast with symbolic acts that initially inspired hope. Pope Leo has used Latin in his public blessings, worn traditional Roman vestments, and publicly led a Corpus Christi procession through the streets of Rome. He has also received Cardinal Raymond Burke, who later hinted at a positive conversation about the future of the Traditional Latin Mass. Yet, as Fr. Murr pointed out, such gestures are undermined by the reappointment of Roche and others:

“Why surround yourself with the same architects of the crisis? The Church is hemorrhaging faithful—millions, not thousands.”⁹

A Liturgical and Doctrinal Flashpoint
The Latin Mass remains a defining fault line in contemporary Catholicism. In many dioceses, it is the one area of clear growth, attracting vocations, young families, and doctrinal fidelity. Critics of Traditionis Custodes argue that its suppression punishes the very communities most faithful to the Church’s teaching on marriage, the priesthood, and the sanctity of life.

López Romero’s promotion is seen as equally telling: elevating someone who publicly dissented from a continent-wide episcopal consensus undermines both synodality and Catholic unity. Steiner’s trajectory suggests that Rome continues to valorize inculturation and syncretism over doctrinal continuity.

A Plea to Pope Leo
Fr. Murr concluded with a public appeal to Pope Leo XIV:

“If the Holy Father watches this program… straighten out the situation with the Latin Mass. A serious Mass should be provided for these people so we can start rebuilding in unity the Catholic Church.”¹⁰

As the Vatican finalizes its curial appointments, the faithful are watching closely. Will Pope Leo XIV govern as a reformer who restores Catholic identity—or will he preside over a rebranded continuity of crisis? 🔝

  1. Rescriptum ex Audientia SS.mi, February 21, 2023.
  2. J.D. Flynn, “How Traditionis Custodes Brought Rome and U.S. Bishops into Conflict,” The Pillar, February 2023.
  3. Roche’s remark cited in traditional Catholic media, 2022–2023.
  4. Fr. Charles Murr, Faith and Reason, July 2025.
  5. López Romero’s comments reported January 2024 in response to African bishops’ rejection of Fiducia Supplicans.
  6. John-Henry Westen, Faith and Reason, July 2025.
  7. Amazon Synod records, 2019; Cardinal Steiner’s post-synodal interventions, 2020–2024.
  8. Frank Wright, Faith and Reason, July 2025.
  9. Fr. Charles Murr, ibid.
  10. Ibid.

“The Real Miracle”: Sharing or Supernatural Power?

When Pope Leo XIV addressed participants at the 44th International Academic Conference on Sacred Scripture on June 30, 2025, he offered a reinterpretation of one of Christ’s most beloved miracles—the feeding of the five thousand. Reflecting on the Gospel accounts, Leo remarked:

“When we read the account of what is commonly called the multiplication of the loaves (cf. Mt 14:13–21; Mk 6:30–44; Lk 9:10–17; Jn 6:1–15), we realize that the real miracle performed by Christ was to show that the key to overcoming hunger lies in sharing rather than in greedily hoarding.”¹

This seemingly pious sentiment, however, triggered immediate concern among theologians, traditional clergy, and lay faithful alike. While such reinterpretations may sound compassionate or socially engaged, they reflect a modernist hermeneutic that undermines both the integrity of Scripture and the divine identity of Christ.

A Modernist Trope Revived
The idea that the miracle of the loaves was a symbolic act of inspiring generosity, rather than a supernatural event, has been a hallmark of liberal exegesis since the mid-20th century. Pope Francis expressed a similar view in 2016:

“This is the miracle: rather than a multiplication, it is a sharing, inspired by faith and prayer.”²

Now repeated by Pope Leo XIV, the framing shifts emphasis from divine intervention to communal ethics—recasting the Gospel as a parable of human cooperation rather than a testimony of divine power.

Bishop Donald Sanborn, speaking on Leo Watch Live, responded forcefully:

“There is nothing in those Gospels that says they shared anything with each other. The whole point was that they didn’t have any food. That was the point. Even a priest giving a crummy sermon could convince people to share. That’s not a miracle.”³

This critique is more than rhetorical. It draws on the consistent teaching of the Church across centuries.

Patristic Testimony: A Supernatural Miracle
The Church Fathers are united in their interpretation of the event as a literal, supernatural multiplication wrought by Christ:

  • St. John Chrysostom teaches: “He Himself gives us our food… taking what existed, He multiplied it. He is the Creator and Ruler of all.”⁴
  • St. Augustine affirms the miracle as divine act: “He who multiplied the loaves in His hands is the same One who multiplies the seeds in the earth… Here He performed in His hands what He normally does through the earth.”⁵
  • St. Cyril of Alexandria emphasizes the divine identity revealed through the miracle: “The Savior performs the miracle not merely to feed them, but to demonstrate that He is indeed God. For He creates out of a little abundance, satisfying all as only God can do.”⁶

None of these fathers suggest anything resembling the “miracle of sharing.” To the contrary, they saw in this act a confirmation of Christ’s dominion over creation.

The Magisterium Speaks
Far from being an open question, the historical truth of this miracle has been reaffirmed by the Magisterium:

  • Pope Leo XIII, in Providentissimus Deus (1893), explicitly condemned those who reduce Gospel narratives to moral myths: “It is absolutely wrong and forbidden… to deny the historical character of the sacred text.”⁷
  • Pope Pius XII, in Humani Generis (1950), warned against those who “freely distort the concept of miracle” or reinterpret them as symbols or myths.⁸
  • The Pontifical Biblical Commission, under Pius X, decreed in 1905: “The literal historical sense of the Gospel narratives cannot be denied, especially when they relate to facts touching the miracles and resurrection of Christ.”⁹

These teachings are not mere disciplinary pronouncements—they affirm the supernatural character of Divine Revelation and safeguard the faithful from precisely the kind of reductionism now being promoted by Pope Leo XIV.

The Eucharistic Connection
The implications of denying this miracle’s literal sense extend beyond Christology into sacramental theology. In John 6, the multiplication of the loaves directly precedes Christ’s Bread of Life discourse—a clear typological link to the Holy Eucharist.

St. Ambrose writes:

“Just as He multiplied the loaves, so now He multiplies Himself in the Eucharist to feed the faithful.”¹⁰

If the miracle is merely about communal generosity, then its Eucharistic prefiguration collapses. The moral lesson replaces the sacramental mystery. Such a reinterpretation is not merely shallow—it is dangerous to faith.

A Theological Trojan Horse
Leo XIV’s remarks may appear moderate or pastorally sensitive, but they perpetuate the same trajectory that has hollowed out much of post-conciliar theology: a preference for immanent over transcendent, for psychological uplift over divine revelation, and for social harmony over doctrinal clarity.

To say that Christ’s “real miracle” was sharing is not only contrary to Scripture, but to Tradition, and ultimately to the very identity of Jesus Christ as true God and true man.

As Bishop Sanborn noted:

“He makes himself absurd by saying stupid things like that… This is naturalism. This is modernism.”

Conclusion
The true miracle of the multiplication of the loaves is not in softening hearts or sharing leftovers. It is in Christ’s divine power to create out of nothing, to satisfy the hungry, and to prefigure the Sacrament of His Body and Blood.

This is what the Church has always taught. Anything less is not faith—it is fiction. 🔝

¹ Pope Leo XIV, Address to the 44th International Academic Conference on Sacred Scripture, June 30, 2025, Vatican.va
² Pope Francis, Homily for Corpus Christi, May 29, 2016
³ Bishop Donald Sanborn, Leo Watch Live, July 2025
⁴ St. John Chrysostom, Homilies on Matthew, Homily 49
⁵ St. Augustine, Tractates on the Gospel of John, Tractate 24.1
⁶ St. Cyril of Alexandria, Commentary on the Gospel of John, Book IV
⁷ Pope Leo XIII, Providentissimus Deus (1893), §20
⁸ Pope Pius XII, Humani Generis (1950), §36–37
⁹ Pontifical Biblical Commission, Responses on the Historical Truth of the Gospels, June 1905
¹⁰ St. Ambrose, De Sacramentis, Book IV, ch. 4


German Bishops’ Head Defends Pro-Abortion Judicial Nominee, Ignites Further Division

Bishop Georg Bätzing, president of the German Bishops’ Conference, has publicly defended Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf, a controversial judicial nominee with a record of supporting abortion rights, despite vocal opposition from Catholic leaders and conservative lawmakers. The move has further exposed the widening rift between Germany’s episcopal leadership and the Church’s moral teaching on life issues.

Brosius-Gersdorf, a constitutional scholar nominated by the Social Democratic Party (SPD) to serve on Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court, has faced heavy criticism over her perceived support for the liberalization of abortion laws. She has been accused—most notably by members of the CDU/CSU and various Catholic prelates—of advocating for policies that undermine the dignity of unborn life. Archbishop Herwig Gössl of Bamberg initially condemned the nomination as a “domestic political scandal.”

However, in a surprising turn, Archbishop Gössl later retracted his remarks following a private phone call with Brosius-Gersdorf. Admitting he had been “falsch informiert” (“misinformed”), he issued a public apology and clarification, prompting accusations of political pressure and episcopal backpedaling¹.

Despite Gössl’s reversal, other German bishops—including Bishop Stefan Oster of Passau and Bishop Rudolf Voderholzer of Regensburg—continued to express deep concern. They warned that Brosius-Gersdorf’s past statements amounted to a “radical attack on the foundations of our constitution,” particularly regarding Article 1, which affirms the inviolable dignity of every human life².

Amidst the controversy, Bishop Bätzing sought to reframe the debate. In an interview with Augsburger Allgemeine, he insisted that Brosius-Gersdorf “doesn’t deserve to be damaged like this,” and criticized the tone and content of the opposition. “A lot has gone wrong in this entire debate,” he said, further cautioning that “the election of constitutional judges is not a topic for a culture war.”³

In a statement at odds with Catholic teaching, Bätzing defended Germany’s current abortion framework—§218a of the Criminal Code—which allows abortion within 22 weeks of gestation following state-mandated counselling. He described this regime as a “reasonable compromise” and warned against destabilizing it by pushing for stricter protections for the unborn. “Why should one abandon the clear compromise that exists on the abortion issue and thereby potentially risk a social divide?” he asked⁴.

Brosius-Gersdorf, for her part, rejected the accusation that she supports abortion up to birth, calling it “defamatory.” However, her past statements—including a 2020 interview in which she referred to Germany’s abortion restrictions as “outdated” and “in tension with human dignity”—have raised red flags for many life advocates. In a televised interview with ZDF, she lamented the politicization of the judicial appointment process and warned that Germany risks falling into “American-style culture war dynamics,” damaging the credibility of its constitutional court⁵.

With mounting public scrutiny and the Bundestag’s July 11 vote postponed, the future of her candidacy remains uncertain. Leaders within the SPD have defended her and accused conservative critics of engaging in a “smear campaign,” while the CDU/CSU leadership remains firm in its opposition⁶.

Moral Clarity or Compromise?
Bishop Bätzing’s comments have drawn renewed criticism from theologians and Catholic commentators who accuse him of abandoning clear moral witness. According to the Catechism of the Catholic Church:

“Direct abortion, that is to say, abortion willed either as an end or a means, is gravely contrary to the moral law”⁷.

Moreover, those who “formally cooperate” in abortion—including by supporting pro-abortion laws or appointments—incur latae sententiae excommunication⁸. Pope John Paul II’s encyclical Evangelium Vitae reaffirms that laws permitting abortion “cease to be valid as laws” and constitute a direct threat to the foundational principles of justice⁹.

The contrast between Bätzing’s approach and the Church’s magisterial teaching could not be starker. Critics argue that his willingness to defend a judicial nominee with a demonstrably pro-abortion record, and to speak of compromise on a matter of intrinsic evil, amounts to moral capitulation.

The case has become emblematic of deeper fissures within the German Church, already strained by the “Synodal Way”—a process widely criticized by the Holy See for undermining Catholic doctrine. With this latest intervention, Bishop Bätzing appears to be entrenching a vision of ecclesial engagement more aligned with political consensus than with prophetic witness.

As one commentator put it: “What is at stake here is not just one judicial nomination—but whether the Catholic Church in Germany still believes that some truths are non-negotiable.” 🔝

¹ Welt, “War falsch informiert”: Archbishop Gössl retracts remarks, 17 July 2025
² Welt, Bischöfe kritisieren Brosius-Gersdorf, 15 July 2025
³ Augsburger Allgemeine, Bätzing interview, 16 July 2025
⁴ Augsburger Allgemeine, ibid.
⁵ Reuters, “German judge warns row threatens court’s reputation,” 16 July 2025
⁶ Financial Times, “Merz’s coalition in crisis over nominee,” 12 July 2025
⁷ Catechism of the Catholic Church, §2271
⁸ Code of Canon Law, canon 1397 §2
⁹ Evangelium Vitae, §72


Pope Leo Celebrates First Public Mass Ad Orientem: A Symbolic Gesture Toward Liturgical Tradition

For the first time in his pontificate, Pope Leo XIV has publicly celebrated Holy Mass ad orientem—facing liturgical east—during the Feast of Saint Bonaventure at Castel Gandolfo’s Carabinieri Chapel. While previous Masses under his papacy had retained versus populum celebration, this marks a striking departure in visible liturgical orientation, long associated with the Church’s tradition prior to the post-Vatican II reforms.

A Quiet but Significant Gesture
Though modest in scale, the moment did not go unnoticed. The Pope’s decision to face the altar rather than the congregation during the Eucharistic liturgy echoes a theological and spiritual emphasis on sacra mysteria, the sacred mysteries at the heart of Catholic worship. It also reflects Pope Leo’s consistent admiration for Eastern Catholic rites and their preservation of reverent and mystical liturgical forms.

During a Jubilee address to Eastern Catholic hierarchs, Pope Leo emphasized the “need to recover the sense of mystery” in worship and warned against surrendering tradition to “practicality or convenience,” lest it be corrupted by the “mentality of consumerism and utilitarianism.”¹

Such language has resonated with traditional Catholics who have long seen ad orientem worship as a concrete embodiment of the Church’s Godward orientation—liturgically, doctrinally, and eschatologically.

A Subtle Challenge to Prevailing Trends
The celebration comes amid continued tensions over Traditionis Custodes, the 2021 motu proprio by Pope Francis that severely curtailed the celebration of the Traditional Latin Mass. In its wake, numerous bishops, particularly in North America, moved to restrict not only the Tridentine Rite but also ad orientem celebration of the Novus Ordo—despite no prohibition in its rubrics.

Bishop Edward M. Rice of Springfield–Cape Girardeau, for instance, issued a directive in 2023 requesting all priests to face the people at Mass, citing his authority under Traditionis Custodes.² Yet the Congregation for Divine Worship had affirmed as recently as 2000 that ad orientem is not forbidden and that it would be a “grave error” to view the orientation of the Mass as directed primarily to the community.³

Pope Leo’s quiet turn toward the altar, therefore, serves not merely as a liturgical preference but as a theological signal—one that affirms the continuity of worship throughout the ages and may foreshadow a broader openness to organic restoration within the postconciliar rites.

Traditionalists Cautiously Hopeful
While some traditional Catholics remain sceptical of Pope Leo’s intentions given his ambiguous stance on Traditionis Custodes, others view this latest move as a tentative but positive development. A petition by LifeSiteNews calling for the full reversal of the Latin Mass restrictions has gained nearly 20,000 signatures, linking Leo’s emphasis on unity with calls for liturgical freedom and the end of episcopal suppression.⁴

Whether this celebration will remain an isolated event or signal a broader liturgical shift under Pope Leo’s leadership remains to be seen. But in an era of polarisation and confusion, this Mass at Castel Gandolfo may mark a quiet step toward reorienting the Church—literally and spiritually—toward her sacred origins. 🔝

¹ Pope Leo XIV, Address to participants in the Jubilee of the Oriental Churches, Vatican Media, 2025.
² Bishop Edward M. Rice, Diocesan Statement on Liturgical Orientation, Diocese of Springfield–Cape Girardeau, 2023.
³ Congregation for Divine Worship, Notitiae 36 (2000), pp. 397–399.
⁴ LifeSiteNews, “Ask Pope Leo XIV to abandon Traditionis Custodes and lift all suppressions of the Latin Mass,” July 2025.


Why We Knelt: Faithful Catholics Respond to Charlotte Bishop’s Crackdown on Reverence

CHARLOTTE, North Carolina — In quiet defiance of episcopal directives discouraging traditional practices, nearly all in attendance at a recent concelebrated Mass in the Cathedral of St. Patrick knelt to receive Holy Communion — with Bishop Michael Martin of Charlotte present. Their motive, participants say, was not rebellion, but love¹.

The event was coordinated by Friends of Catholic Reverence, a lay initiative promoting Eucharistic piety and fidelity to the Church’s liturgical heritage. In an exclusive statement, the group said their act of kneeling was directed not at Bishop Martin, but toward “our most Sacred and Blessed Lord at Mass,” whom they believe is owed the fullest expression of bodily reverence².

“It is about giving glory to God,” explained a woman identified as Nellie. “We want our posture and behaviour at the Holy Sacrifice to mirror our interior adoration.”³

Alex, a young man who also participated, described the act of kneeling as an embodied theology. “Frankly, I love God,” he said. “Not in a casual way — I mean as the Creator of the universe. That should be reflected in how we worship.”⁴

Bishop’s Directive and Lay Response
The gesture comes in the wake of a leaked document authored by Bishop Martin, reportedly drafted for diocesan implementation, which called for the removal of altar rails and discouraged kneeling for Communion⁵. “To instruct the faithful that kneeling is more reverent than standing is simply absurd,” the document read, further instructing that “moveable altar rails should be removed” and prei dieux were “not appropriate” for the reception of Communion⁶.

Though the diocese has since walked back the document, claiming it was a draft still “in discussion,” its public release has prompted a groundswell of resistance from Catholics committed to traditional practices — especially the reverent reception of the Eucharist on the tongue while kneeling⁷.

In response, Friends of Catholic Reverence not only encouraged faithful attendance at the bishop’s Mass but also organized a public rosary and prayer vigil. “We asked the faithful if they were willing to make a united, public, yet positive statement,” the group said, emphasizing their approach was not protest but piety⁸.

Concerns for the Vulnerable and the Sacred
The group also raised practical and pastoral concerns, particularly regarding the elderly and disabled. “We ask that [the bishop] not discriminate against those with mobility issues who prefer to kneel,” the statement read. “Many of the faithful find the removal of kneelers intimidating. This clearly does not edify.”⁹

Far from being a mere preference, Friends argues that liturgical reverence has formative power. “What we pray and do inside of Mass can have a strong conscious and subconscious effect on how we pray and what we do outside of Mass,” they said¹⁰. Reverent worship is, in their words, a spiritual reorientation in a disoriented world.

Suppression of the Latin Mass
The group also expressed sorrow at Bishop Martin’s suppression of multiple Traditional Latin Masses in the diocese. While framed as a “merger,” the reorganization has required some families to drive two hours each way to attend the remaining TLM, effectively disbanding long-established communities¹¹.

“Unity already exists,” Friends noted. “What Bishop Martin is imposing is uniformity, not unity.” They pointed to the Church’s historic embrace of diverse rites within one faith, and warned that removing this diversity “will assist in destroying this unity.”¹²

One woman, a member of an immigrant family, testified to the personal pain this caused: “It was so painful for us, and for me, as an immigrant family,” she said. “It changed our lives.”¹³

The Call to Combat — and Reparation
Asked how Catholics should now respond, Friends cited a message from Bishop Joseph Strickland published on his Substack on June 29:

“The Holy Eucharist is not a symbol. It is the Body, Blood, Soul, and Divinity of Our Lord Jesus Christ… It is being profaned.
What must our response be? Reparation. Holy Hours. Fasting. Acts of love. Visits to the tabernacle. Masses offered in silence and devotion. Small acts that shake hell…
Mary is not calling us to comfort. She is calling us to combat… This is not the time to flee. It is the time to stand.”¹⁴

They echoed Strickland’s closing exhortation: “Do not abandon the Church, no matter how she suffers… Take up your Rosary like a sword. Go to confession. Go to adoration. Return to reverence. Return to Christ.”

The group continues to encourage Catholics to pray acts of reparation such as the Holy Face devotion:

“May the most Holy, the most Sacred, the most Adorable, the most unknown and the most inexpressible Name of God be adored, praised, blessed, loved and glorified… by the loving Heart of our Lord Jesus Christ in the most Blessed Sacrament of the altar. Amen.”¹⁵

At a time of increasing tension between the faithful and the shepherds tasked with their care, Friends of Catholic Reverence insists that their movement is not about resistance but fidelity — not confrontation, but courage. As their statement concluded: “With Mary at our side and Christ in the Eucharist, we are not afraid.”¹⁶ 🔝

  1. LifeSiteNews, “Catholics explain why they knelt for Communion at Charlotte bishop’s Mass,” Jul 14, 2025.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Ibid.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Rorate Caeli blog, unpublished directive from Bishop Michael Martin (leaked).
  6. Ibid.
  7. LifeSiteNews, op. cit.
  8. Ibid.
  9. Ibid.
  10. Ibid.
  11. Ibid.
  12. Ibid.
  13. Ibid.
  14. Bishop Joseph Strickland, Substack post, June 29, 2025.
  15. Traditional Holy Face Devotion Prayer.
  16. LifeSiteNews, op. cit.

Deliver Us from Evil: Cardinal Simoni’s Witness and Warning

At 96 years of age, Cardinal Ernest Simoni remains a formidable witness to the enduring power of grace over tyranny, and of exorcism over ideology. Known for his unbroken fidelity during nearly two decades in Albania’s Communist prison camps, the cardinal recently led a Latin prayer of deliverance at the Worldwide Exorcism Conference in Newark, New Jersey, invoking God’s mercy upon a world increasingly gripped by spiritual darkness¹.

A Martyr of the 20th Century
Born in 1928 and formed in the Franciscan tradition, Simoni’s vocation was tested early. Communist forces raided his minor seminary and executed the friars. Undeterred, he continued his studies underground and was ordained at 28. But on Christmas Eve 1963, he was arrested after offering a Latin Mass for the repose of U.S. President John F. Kennedy². This detail is confirmed by both local Albanian media and biographical sources³. Accused of “conspiring against the state,” he was sentenced to death for preaching fidelity to Christ. The sentence was later commuted to hard labor.

For 18 years, Simoni endured brutal prison conditions, torture, and solitary confinement. He offered the Latin Mass from memory with smuggled bread and wine, maintained silent resistance, and refused multiple inducements to abandon the priesthood—including pressure to marry. “I’m already married to the most beautiful bride there is,” he told his captors, “I’m married to the Church”⁴.

Exorcist and Evangelist
Following the collapse of Albania’s Communist regime in 1991, Simoni resumed his priestly ministry, including the performance of exorcisms—something he had begun before his arrest⁵. In a 2018 address at Rome’s Regina Apostolorum University, he testified to performing “four or five exorcisms a day”⁶. His long persecution, he suggested, had given him intimate knowledge of the demonic strategies afflicting modern souls: despair, blasphemy, and rebellion against divine order.

At the Newark conference, held July 11–12, 2025, Simoni joined other experienced exorcists—including Fr. John Szada of Harrisburg and Msgr. John Esseff of Scranton—in calling for deliverance from demonic influence⁷. Though his contribution was not a formal exorcism with the full rites, his Latin prayer was offered from memory and with deep intent for those afflicted by spiritual oppression, illness, and infertility⁸. He also offered spontaneous prayers in Albanian, urging attendees to pray the Rosary four times a day and to return to God⁹.

The Prophecy of Fatima and the Crisis of Our Time
Simoni has repeatedly drawn attention to the warnings of Our Lady of Fatima. In 2017 he remarked, “We see the prophecy of Fatima revealing itself today. If the people do not turn towards Christ, darkness and error will consume the world”¹⁰. He echoed the theme at the Newark gathering, where his presence and prayer gave tangible expression to the spiritual crisis many exorcists now attest is intensifying.

His recent participation in traditional Latin Mass pilgrimages organized by the Institute of Christ the King Sovereign Priest further illustrates his theological orientation and enduring loyalty to the liturgy he once whispered amid forced labor and persecution. In a time when even exorcism has become a contested ministry, Simoni’s quiet perseverance is a living rebuke to a world that dismisses the devil as myth and sin as an outdated superstition¹¹.

A Voice for This Generation
Pope Francis, who made Simoni a cardinal in 2016, referred to him as a “living martyr” after hearing his testimony in 2014¹². Though he was too old to participate in the 2025 conclave that elected Pope Leo XIV¹³, his voice continues to resonate with clarity and courage.

At a moment when many Catholics face confusion, suppression, or compromise, Simoni’s simple testimony reminds the Church of its mission: to save souls from sin and from Satan. As the world drifts further from truth, the aged cardinal prays the Church will return—urgently—to her ancient weapons of Mass, confession, prayer, and exorcism.

The demons are not new. But the silence of shepherds is. And Ernest Simoni, even now, refuses to be silent. 🔝

¹ LifeSiteNews, “Cardinal jailed for 20 years by Communists prays for world’s deliverance from demons,” July 15, 2025.
² Ibid. Simoni was arrested on Dec. 24, 1963, following a Midnight Mass offered for President Kennedy.
³ Politiko.al, “Konferenca e ekzorcizmit në New Jersey…” July 15, 2025; Wikipedia: “Ernest Simoni.”
⁴ LifeSiteNews, July 15, 2025; Politiko.al.
⁵ Ibid. Simoni resumed ministry and exorcisms following the collapse of the regime in 1991.
⁶ Simoni, address at Regina Apostolorum University, 2018; confirmed in LifeSiteNews and event coverage.
⁷ John Leaps Evangelization, Event Page: “Worldwide Exorcism Conference,” Newark, July 2025.
⁸ Ibid.; Simoni recited a Latin prayer of deliverance from memory for participants.
⁹ Politiko.al, July 2025. Simoni prayed in Albanian for the sick, infertile, and spiritually oppressed.
¹⁰ LifeSiteNews, 2017 interview with Simoni, quoted again in 2025 coverage.
¹¹ Institute of Christ the King, Pilgrimage announcements; LifeSiteNews, July 15, 2025.
¹² Vatican News, “Pope Francis thanks ‘living martyr’ Cardinal Simoni,” November 19, 2016.
¹³ LifeSiteNews, July 15, 2025. Simoni was excluded from the conclave due to age under Universi Dominici Gregis §33.


The False Gospel of Synodality By Archbishop Marian Eleganti

Translated and introduced by Marco Tosatti¹

“Proclaim Christ instead.” This is the urgent plea of Archbishop Marian Eleganti, the former auxiliary bishop of Chur, Switzerland, who has long stood as a clear and courageous voice against the fog of modernist double-speak. His latest intervention, published on Stilum Curiae, dismantles the pseudo-theological edifice of synodality with clinical precision—and prophetic grief.

Spinning in Circles, Speaking to No One
For those working in ecclesiastical offices, the “synodal process” has become an end in itself—a self-referential machine producing documents, extensions, and interim stages that no ordinary Catholic ever reads or hears about. The People of God, says Eleganti, remain untouched and unmoved by the endless paperwork, while the bureaucratic elite multiply commissions, subcommissions, and continental phases in what has become “a canonical no-man’s land.”²

The synod, he writes, “has not reawakened love for Jesus Christ in a single soul.” Instead, it caters primarily to German-speaking, full-time ministry professionals—what one might call the clerical deep state.

What Is Not Being Said
The true problems of the Church are ignored:

  • Apostasy from basic creedal truths such as the divinity and resurrection of Jesus
  • Liturgical abuses and irreverence in the Novus Ordo Mass
  • Collapse in vocations across much of Europe
  • Heterodox preaching in parishes and universities
  • A pastoral theology divorced from Catholic doctrine, often invoking the false maxim that “reality is greater than ideas”³

These are brushed aside for “listening sessions” and “walking together” in a process whose fruits have so far been ambiguity, volatility, and the dismantling of hierarchy under the guise of participation.

A Manipulated Listening
The illusion, writes Eleganti, is that 1.4 billion Catholics—many doctrinally illiterate—can participate meaningfully in a spiritual discernment process. But instead of listening to the Holy Spirit, what actually occurs is the steering of opinion, the marginalisation of tradition, and the elevation of ideology. The result is a manipulated listening, not a genuine act of ecclesial obedience.

As he warns: “Synodality has become a hermeneutic for all sorts of things, especially for lay co-determination at all levels.”⁴ And the effect has been the erosion of the Church’s sacramental and apostolic constitution.

The Abuse of the Term “Listening”
Synodality’s defenders often present it as a recovery of ancient ecclesial practice. But the Church has always begun with listening—to God, to Scripture, to the Fathers. The Shema Yisrael, the Prologue to the Rule of St Benedict, and the very concept of discernment of spirits all call us to hear and obey. What is new, Eleganti stresses, is not discernment, but the synodal pretence that such discernment can be crowdsourced, secularised, and democratised.

The Inverted Church
The consequences are far-reaching:

  • The shepherd follows the sheep
  • The master learns from the student
  • The priest obeys the layman
  • The bishop becomes merely one voice among many
  • And “the spirit”—undefined, ambiguous—hovers over it all

This is not the Holy Spirit of Pentecost. This is the inversion of ecclesial order.

The Liturgical Vacuum
Eleganti calls attention to what traditional Catholics have long known: young people are not drawn to banal synodal slogans. They crave depth, reverence, and mystery. In countries like France and England, there is a growing desire among youth for baptism, catechesis, and the traditional liturgy.⁵ But in the synodal process, they are ignored—excluded from the narrative of the “listening Church.”

The Real Threat: Islam and Secularism
While the synod spends its time redefining ministry and inclusivity, the real demographic and religious challenge is left untouched. In some European countries, Christians will be a minority within 25 years. Albania is a rare exception where Christians outnumber Muslims. But in most of the West, apostasy and demographic collapse have paved the way for the Islamisation of secular societies.

Conclusion: Less Spin, More Mission
The Archbishop’s final appeal is as sharp as it is holy: “More missionaries, fewer spin doctors.” If the synodal Church continues to replace the Gospel with process, Christ with consultation, and hierarchy with collective muddle, it will deserve its irrelevance. What is needed is not more working documents, but more saints.

Proclaim Christ. Stop spinning. 🔝

¹ Marco Tosatti, Stilum Curiae, “Synodality as a Code Word,” July 11, 2025.
² Eleganti: “The vast people of God are unaware of your documents.”
³ Cf. Pope Francis, Evangelii Gaudium, §231; often used to justify doctrinal relativism.
⁴ Eleganti: “Lay co-determination at all levels … contradicts the teaching of the Council and the 2,000-year-old apostolic laws.”
⁵ For statistics on rising adult baptisms in France, see Famille Chrétienne, “Baptêmes d’adultes : un tiers des catéchumènes a moins de 30 ans” (March 2024). For the UK, Bishop Philip Egan and others have noted a growing interest among young adults in traditional catechesis, reverent liturgy, and sacramental life, particularly within Latin Mass communities and dioceses like Portsmouth and Westminster.


Cardinal Müller Denounces Same-Sex ‘Blessings’ as “Pious Deception” and Contradiction of God’s Will

Cardinal Gerhard Müller has issued a sharp and theologically rigorous rebuke to the German bishops who have recently begun implementing so-called same-sex “blessings” within their dioceses. Writing in Die Tagespost, the former prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith declared that such practices are “diametrically opposed to the will of the Creator” and “a deception” which threatens the eternal salvation of both clergy and faithful.

Rooted in Scripture and Tradition
Cardinal Müller opened his reflection with Christ’s own words to the Pharisees in Matthew 19:4: “Have you not read that the Creator made them male and female in the beginning?” From this, he concludes that true marriage is intrinsically the union of a man and a woman—an ontological and divinely instituted reality that no pastoral innovation can alter.

“Any form of divorce and even more so marriage substitutes such as sexual relations between people of the same sex are diametrically opposed to the will of the Creator,” Müller wrote. He added that “Christians naturally understand” that such lifestyles “are not blessed by God.”

A “Pious Deception” and Return to Indulgence-Selling
The German prelate compared the practice of blessing same-sex unions to the “sale of indulgences” which helped precipitate the Protestant Reformation, calling it a “pious deception” and an “ineffective ritual” that falsely conveys divine approval for sin. He warned that knowingly acting against God’s revealed order results in “death of the soul, that is, separation from communion with God,” echoing the severity of St. Paul’s warnings in Romans 1.

Critique of Enlightenment Thinking and Hedonism
Müller went on to denounce the broader anthropological and moral shift that underlies the push for these blessings. He criticised the synodal path’s reliance on sociological and psychological claims that run “in blatant contradiction to biology” and moral theology. In place of a Christian moral order rooted in natural law and revelation, he argued, there now stands “a compromise with the atheistic view of humanity” and “philosophical materialism.”

“No longer is the distinction between good and evil the standard of moral action,” he lamented, “but rather pleasure and displeasure determine human happiness and comfort without any reference to God, our Creator and Redeemer.”

Fiducia Supplicans: Confusing, Contradictory, and Theologically Invalid
Cardinal Müller placed partial blame on the Vatican’s controversial document Fiducia supplicans, which has been cited by heterodox bishops to justify same-sex blessings. He declared the document “confusing in itself” and in contradiction to prior CDF statements and the universal magisterium. Müller stressed that papal authority “is not above the Word of God,” quoting Dei Verbum §10 from the Second Vatican Council:

“This teaching office is not above the word of God, but serves it, teaching only what has been handed on…”

He firmly rejected the idea—implied by Fiducia supplicans and its defenders—that a pope or his theologians can override Sacred Scripture, apostolic tradition, and definitive magisterial teachings.

A Clear Warning to the German Bishops
Finally, Cardinal Müller reminded German prelates of the vows they made at their episcopal ordination to guard the entirety of the Catholic faith. Invoking Romans 1:28, he warned that those who suppress the truth and embrace “depraved thinking” fall into moral and doctrinal darkness.

This is not the first time Müller has been attacked by fellow German bishops for his fidelity to Catholic teaching. Nevertheless, he remains unwavering in defending the Church’s perennial doctrine on marriage, sexuality, and the nature of pastoral care.

His latest intervention stands as a prophetic witness—clear, uncompromising, and deeply rooted in Scripture, natural law, and the apostolic tradition—against what he sees as a pastoral betrayal cloaked in emotionalism and ideological conformity. 🔝

¹ Mt 19:4–6
² Cf. Rom 1:26–32
³ Die Tagespost, July 2025
⁴ Second Vatican Council, Dei Verbum, §10
⁵ Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Considerations Regarding Proposals to Give Legal Recognition to Unions Between Homosexual Persons, 2003
⁶ Fiducia Supplicans, Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, 2023
⁷ Catechism of the Catholic Church, §2357–2359
⁸ Cf. Council of Trent, Session VI, Canon 18
⁹ St. Paul, 1 Cor 6:9–10


A schedule for the week of April 5, 2025, detailing liturgical events, feasts, and notable observances.


From Indoctrination to Dismemberment: The Reality of Planned Parenthood’s Agenda

Planned Parenthood presents itself as a trusted healthcare provider and educator. Yet behind this benign façade lies a coordinated strategy to desensitize children, mislead parents and teachers, and carry out violence against the most vulnerable human beings. Through its Sex Ed To-Go program and abortion empire, Planned Parenthood teaches children they are “sexual from birth”—and then offers to end their lives before birth through chemical poisoning, suction dismemberment, or induced fetal death. The result is a culture that confuses sexualisation with education and compassion with clinical killing.

Sexualizing the Innocent
In collaboration with the Future of Sex Education (FoSE) coalition, Planned Parenthood’s Sex Ed To-Go program trains teachers to promote a radical vision of sexuality to children as young as five. One teacher training module opens with a reading from It Was Dusk (1978), which grotesquely depicts infant breastfeeding as a sexually formative experience—framing the mother-infant bond in language suggestive of erotic encounter. It concludes by claiming that a four-month-old nursing boy has taken a “minute contribution to his further sexual development.”¹

Such framing strips one of the most natural human experiences of its innocence and inserts an adult sexual lens. It is not science, but ideology.

Language Games and Gender Confusion
Teachers are instructed to abandon sex-based language altogether. “Boy” and “girl” are replaced with phrases like “person with a penis” or “person with a vulva.”² Sex education materials are saturated with gender theory, promoting the illusion that biological sex is irrelevant to the reality of human identity.

This ideological lexicon is not neutral. It is a deliberate attempt to separate young people from their biological reality, from their parents’ values, and from any moral framework rooted in natural law or divine order.

Abortion Propaganda Disguised as Health Education
The Sex Ed To-Go lesson “Teaching Pregnancy, Childbirth, Adoption & Abortion” uses deceptive images from the MYA Network—photos that display only fragments of gestational sacs, not whole human embryos.³ One slide claims that at six weeks, an embryo resembles “a piece of cotton,” and by nine weeks is still indistinguishable from tissue. Nothing is said of the developing heartbeat, limbs, or organs—all present by this stage.⁴

Abortions are presented as “safe,” “simple,” and morally neutral. The humanity of the child is erased, and no mention is made of the life-ending reality of abortion procedures. The preborn human is reduced to “pregnancy tissue.”⁵

Normalizing Pornography for Children
Perhaps most disturbing is Planned Parenthood’s promotion of pornography to young students. Teachers are encouraged to direct children to The Porn Conversation, a site that frames porn as “entertainment” and offers tips for tweens and teens. Students are told:

“Porn shows lots of penises, vulvas, and orgasms… So keep that in mind while you’re watching.”⁶

There is no warning about the documented psychological damage pornography causes to minors. The American College of Pediatricians links early porn exposure to depression, aggression, sexual violence, and increased risk of molestation and assault.⁷ But for Planned Parenthood, grooming under the guise of “education” is just another business strategy.

The Four Faces of Abortion
Alongside this ideological assault on children, Planned Parenthood remains the largest abortion provider in the United States. Four former abortionists—now all pro-life advocates—have recently explained in grim medical detail the four most common abortion procedures, drawing on thousands of personal cases.⁸

1. The Abortion Pill (Up to 10 weeks)
Dr. Noreen Johnson, who performed over 1,000 abortions, describes how mifepristone starves the embryo of nutrients by blocking progesterone. A second drug, misoprostol, induces violent contractions that expel the embryo, often while the mother is alone on a toilet.
Failure rates increase with gestational age, and nearly 0.5% require hospitalization for heavy bleeding.⁹ Many women see the intact embryo within the gestational sac—an image burned into memory.

2. Suction Aspiration (Up to 14 weeks)
Dr. Beverly McMillan, also a former abortionist, recounts the use of suction cannulas to dismember the fetus. Body parts are often removed piecemeal and must be reassembled to ensure “nothing is left behind.”
Risks include uterine perforation, hemorrhage, and long-term reproductive damage.¹⁰

3. Dilation and Evacuation (14–22 weeks)
Dr. Kathy Altman describes the D&E method, where the abortionist uses a steel clamp to tear limbs from the child’s body.
The skull—“about the size of a large plum”—is crushed to remove it through the cervix. A white substance (the baby’s brain) leaks out as the skull collapses.¹¹ All parts must then be accounted for to prevent infection or sepsis.

4. Induction Abortion (22–39 weeks)
Dr. Patty Giebink details how late-term abortions begin with mifepristone, followed by a lethal injection of digoxin or potassium chloride into the fetus’s heart. After 24 hours, the woman is given drugs to induce labor and deliver a dead child.
Risks include uterine rupture, hemorrhage, infection, and death. If the mother’s health were truly endangered and the child desired, a C-section or preterm delivery would be attempted with neonatal care on hand.¹²

“I Once Believed I Was Helping Women…”
All four doctors once performed abortions with clinical detachment, believing they were aiding women. Yet each underwent a conversion—sparked by motherhood, reflection, or horror at the procedures they had committed.

Dr. Altman recalls looking at the dismembered body of a 12-week-old boy and thinking: What is the difference between this child and my four-year-old son?
She answers: none.¹³

“Terms like zygote, embryo, and fetus,” says Dr. McMillan, “are simply like toddler or teenager—age categories that do not diminish humanity.”¹⁴

They now testify not only to the reality of what abortion does to the child—but also what it does to the mother, and to those who participate in it. Trauma, regret, and physical damage haunt many post-abortive women. The physicians’ shift from abortionist to advocate is a call to conscience: anyone can change.

The Moral Imperative
Planned Parenthood’s programs sexualize children, promote gender confusion, sanitize the reality of abortion, and push pornography on minors—all with taxpayer support.
Their practices are not healthcare. They are a multi-front assault on childhood, womanhood, and human dignity.

The response cannot be timid. The Christian duty is to speak the truth: every abortion ends a human life, and every human life—born or unborn, male or female, loved or unwanted—is made in the image and likeness of God.

The time to withdraw public funding from Planned Parenthood is now. The time to defend the innocent is always. 🔝

¹ Live Action, “Planned Parenthood’s sex-ed program claims children are ‘sexual from birth,’” July 17, 2025.
² Ibid. Teacher training module: “Introduction to Effective Sex Education.”
³ Ibid. Lesson: “Teaching Pregnancy, Childbirth, Adoption & Abortion.”
⁴ Live Action News, “MYA Network’s deceptive abortion photos,” 2022.
⁵ Sex Ed To-Go lesson content, as analyzed by Live Action.
⁶ Ibid. “Sex in the Media: What You Need to Know” student module.
⁷ American College of Pediatricians, “The Impact of Pornography on Children,” clinical statement.
⁸ Excerpts from Live Action’s “Abortion Procedures” series, featuring Drs. Noreen Johnson, Beverly McMillan, Kathy Altman, and Patty Giebink.
⁹ Dr. Noreen Johnson, “How the Abortion Pill Works,” Live Action video transcript.
¹⁰ Dr. Beverly McMillan, “Suction Abortion Explained,” Live Action video transcript.
¹¹ Dr. Kathy Altman, “Dilation and Evacuation Procedure,” Live Action video transcript.
¹² Dr. Patty Giebink, “Induction Abortion Procedure,” Live Action video transcript.
¹³ Ibid. Dr. Altman testimony.
¹⁴ Ibid. Dr. McMillan statement on fetal terminology.


“Three-Parent Babies” and the Genetic Rewriting of Humanity

Eight children born in the United Kingdom are now living testaments to a controversial frontier of biotechnology: human beings created using the DNA of three people. The technique, designed to prevent mitochondrial disease, involves transferring nuclear genetic material from the egg of a mother with faulty mitochondria into a donor egg with healthy mitochondria, followed by fertilisation with the father’s sperm. The resulting embryo contains nuclear DNA from the parents and mitochondrial DNA—about 0.1%—from a second woman¹.

On the surface, this is hailed as a triumph. Parents, having watched children die or suffer devastating disabilities, now speak of “hope,” “joy,” and being “overwhelmed with gratitude”². But beneath the emotional narrative lies an ethical transformation: this is not medicine restoring the natural order, but science rewriting the human genome.

A Shift from Therapy to Heritable Enhancement

Mitochondrial donation does not merely heal a patient; it produces a genetically novel human being. In contrast to somatic therapy (which treats the individual), this approach alters the germline—passed from mother to daughter—permanently modifying human heredity³. That threshold, long seen as a red line, was crossed in Britain through a 2015 Parliamentary vote without the moral clarity such an act demanded⁴.

The ethical justification rested on the claim that mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) does not determine personal identity. But mitochondria, though comprising a small fraction of our genetic material, interact with nuclear DNA and influence health, metabolism, and perhaps even aging⁵. As Mary Warnock once said of embryo research, we are “sliding down a slope,” and each success hastens the slide.

Redefining Parenthood and Procreation
The natural anthropology of the family—father, mother, and child—is quietly rewritten in the laboratory. Three genetic contributors. Dozens of medical personnel. Unnatural conception, selection, and surgical assembly of life. What once was a sacred mystery between man, woman, and God becomes a clinical project aimed at eradicating flaws, producing perfectibility.

That the procedure has yielded children “free of disease” is not irrelevant—but neither is it morally sufficient. As the Catechism of the Catholic Church teaches: “Techniques that entail the dissociation of husband and wife, by the intrusion of a person other than the couple… are gravely immoral”⁶. Even in the face of suffering, the ends do not justify the means.

Warnings from Tradition
St. John Paul II foresaw the risks of such technologies in Evangelium Vitae, where he warned that “a new cultural climate is developing and taking hold… which gives crimes against life a new and—if possible—even more sinister character… they are being justified in the name of individual freedom”⁷. Pope Benedict XVI echoed this in Dignitas Personae, condemning procedures that “involve the manipulation or destruction of embryos” or treat human life as “a mere object”⁸.

Even where no embryos are discarded—as proponents of this mitochondrial technique claim—profound concerns remain. These include the instrumentalisation of women (egg donors), the commodification of human life, and the introduction of germline changes without knowledge of long-term effects⁹. It is a utilitarian calculation alien to Catholic moral reasoning, which affirms that the human person is not a product but a gift¹⁰.

The “Designer Baby” Door Remains Open
Supporters argue that this technique is specific and tightly regulated. Yet once heritable genetic modification is permitted, the line separating therapy from enhancement becomes one of expediency. Why not use DNA to eliminate predispositions to cancer, or depression, or even select for intelligence? Why not “design” a child free from the burdens of nature?

The very language of “design,” of engineering embryos, is a corruption of the truth that we are not creators, but creatures. That language, now widely accepted in fertility clinics, testifies to a deeper spiritual disorder: man usurping the role of God.

The Need for a Christian Response
As the Church has always taught, compassion for suffering must never eclipse fidelity to the dignity of life and the moral order established by God. The temptation to play saviour through genetic manipulation is ancient—it is the same lie from Eden: you will be like gods¹¹.

Catholics must be clear: the creation of “three-parent babies” is a violation of natural law, of the unity of marriage, and of the integrity of the human genome. That eight children appear healthy is not the measure of righteousness. There are grave risks not only to those individuals but to our understanding of what it means to be human.

The silence of the families is understandable. But the silence of the Church would be a scandal.

As St. Augustine taught: Cum dilectione hominum et odio vitiorum—“with love for men and hatred of their sins.” We must not abandon families affected by mitochondrial disease; rather, we must accompany them with true compassion and moral clarity. But we must also confront with boldness a culture that seeks salvation not in Christ, but in the genome. 🔝

  1. Al Jazeera, “Babies born in UK using DNA from three people to avoid genetic disease,” July 17, 2025; The Guardian, “Eight healthy babies born after IVF using DNA from three people,” July 16, 2025.
  2. BBC News, “Babies made using three people’s DNA are born free of hereditary disease,” July 16, 2025.
  3. New England Journal of Medicine, “Mitochondrial Donation Treatment in the United Kingdom — Outcomes for the First Patients,” July 2025; Newcastle University, “Press release on mitochondrial donation outcomes,” July 16, 2025.
  4. Nature, “UK becomes first country to legalize mitochondrial replacement therapy,” Feb 2015.
  5. Cell Metabolism, “Mitochondria: In sickness and in health,” Cell Press, 2018; Science, “Mitochondrial-nuclear interactions shape development,” 2020.
  6. Catechism of the Catholic Church, §2376.
  7. Pope St. John Paul II, Evangelium Vitae, 1995, §4.
  8. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Dignitas Personae, 2008, §26.
  9. Reuters, “Three-person IVF technique spares children inherited diseases,” July 16, 2025; NEJM, ibid.
  10. Pope Benedict XVI, Caritas in Veritate, 2009, §75.
  11. Genesis 3:5, RSVCE.
  12. St. Augustine, Letter 211, “Cum dilectione hominum et odio vitiorum.”

The Classroom as Ideological Frontline: How England’s New RSHE Guidance Redefines Childhood, Sex, and the Role of the State

In the name of inclusion and safeguarding, the British government has issued new statutory guidance that reshapes the moral and psychological formation of children in English schools. The updated Relationships, Sex and Health Education (RSHE) framework, released by the Department for Education in July 2025, may appear on the surface to be an administrative refinement of the 2019 version. In reality, it entrenches the language and assumptions of gender ideology more deeply into the heart of the state education system.

The new guidance requires that all schools—state, academy, and free schools alike—ensure they comply with the Equality Act 2010, under which “gender reassignment” is a protected characteristic¹. This compliance, however, is not limited to anti-discrimination policy. It is now operationalised in curriculum content and school culture. Teachers are expected to affirm students’ self-declared identities, and the guidance mandates that “all pupils [are] to have been taught LGBT content at a timely point”, integrated throughout relationships and sex education².

The shift is not merely structural but conceptual. The RSHE framework promotes an understanding of identity that is internally defined and potentially fluid. It encourages teaching that resists *“gendered language which might normalise male violence or stigmatise boys,”*³ suggesting a categorical suspicion of traditional gender norms and implicitly presenting sex distinctions as suspect or harmful.

This has immediate consequences for parental rights. While the guidance affirms that parents may request to withdraw their children from sex education up to three terms before the age of 16, it removes any right to opt out of relationships and health education⁴—subjects that now routinely include instruction on gender identity and sexual orientation. From age 15, the child may overrule parental wishes⁵. All of this is framed under the language of autonomy, inclusion, and wellbeing.

Even faith schools are not exempt. While they may teach “the distinctive faith perspective on relationships,” they must do so in a way that complies with the Equality Act⁶. This effectively prohibits presenting a religious view of sex and gender that conflicts with the state-sanctioned ideological consensus. In practice, religious teaching becomes confined to abstract principle, stripped of application in real-life moral questions.

The ideological pressure extends beyond curriculum to physical space. While the RSHE guidance does not directly legislate on facilities, it places significant institutional weight behind “inclusive environments” and protections for trans-identifying pupils. The document fails to reiterate the lawful right of schools to preserve single-sex spaces under Schedule 3 of the Equality Act—a silence that exposes schools to activist pressure while subtly redefining what is assumed to be “best practice.” Yet in law, schools are still permitted to provide single-sex changing rooms and toilets where this is “a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim” such as privacy, dignity, or safeguarding⁷.

In short, England’s new RSHE policy reframes the purpose of education. The traditional model—education as the transmission of knowledge and virtue from one generation to the next—is being replaced by a therapeutic paradigm in which the school affirms and validates personal identity, irrespective of biological, religious, or social realities.

This matters not only for those of religious conviction. It is a question of political philosophy. Who forms the child? What is the nature of human identity? Is there any fixed anthropology behind our moral and civic obligations, or are children to be shaped by ever-evolving ideological trends?

By silently absorbing contested ideas into statutory guidance, the state advances its authority over the minds and moral development of the young. Those concerned with freedom—of thought, conscience, religion, or the family—should not overlook the RSHE guidance. The future of liberty is not only debated in parliaments or courtrooms. It is decided, often imperceptibly, in classrooms and corridors—under the soft but steady pressure of official policy. 🔝

  1. RSHE Statutory Guidance – July 2025, p. 36.
  2. Ibid., p. 36.
  3. Ibid., p. 5.
  4. Ibid., p. 6.
  5. Ibid., p. 6.
  6. Ibid., p. 37.
  7. Equality Act 2010, Schedule 3, Part 7, Paragraph 27; see also Gender Questioning Children: Non-Statutory Guidance for Schools in England, Department for Education, December 2023.

Impartiality on Parade: High Court Judgment on Police at Pride Signals Warning for All Public Bodies

Smith v Northumbria Police sets precedent against ideological partisanship in public institutions—from forces to councils, schools, and services

In a defining moment for the principle of impartiality in British public life, the High Court has ruled that Northumbria Police acted unlawfully by participating in a Pride event in a manner that conveyed ideological alignment with gender identity politics. The ruling in Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police [2025] EWHC 1805 (Admin) makes clear that public authorities have no legal entitlement to side with one set of beliefs over another in live political or philosophical debates¹.

While the case concerned a police force, its implications are far broader. It places public authorities—including councils, schools, libraries, NHS Trusts, and publicly funded cultural bodies—on clear notice: you may not lawfully take sides in live political or ideological disputes, even under the banner of “inclusion.”

Mr Justice Linden’s ruling emphasised that the Progress Pride flag is not ideologically neutral, especially given its strong association with trans activism and groups that explicitly exclude gender-critical individuals². Participating in or sponsoring Pride under that symbol, or in association with activist groups that explicitly exclude dissenting views, creates a reasonable perception of partiality. That perception alone is unlawful in many public contexts³.

The Limits of the Equality Act and PSED
The case exposed the misapplication of the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) by police and other institutions. Northumbria Police had claimed that their support for Pride, and by extension gender ideology, was justified by the need to “advance equality of opportunity.” But the court firmly rejected that reasoning, stating that:

“The Defendant’s actions created the reasonable impression of partiality in a contested moral and political debate. The Equality Act does not override the police duty of neutrality.”⁴

The same logic applies to publicly funded schools who promote Pride Month without balance, councils that fly ideological flags from civic buildings, and leisure centres, libraries, or hospitals that host activist stalls without acknowledging protected beliefs on the other side.

Participation in politically or ideologically aligned events—such as Pride, where gender identity ideology is now deeply embedded—must be scrutinised. Not only must public authorities avoid taking sides; they must not even create the impression that they do⁵.

Schools, Councils, and Cultural Capture
Many public institutions have become complicit in this ideological overreach. Examples include:

  • Schools compelling student participation in Pride-themed assemblies or displays, while failing to acknowledge the protected status of gender-critical views under the Equality Act⁶.
  • Council-run gyms and swimming pools festooned with Progress flags during June, with no balancing representation of dissenting beliefs.
  • Libraries and museums co-hosting drag events, “ally training,” or exhibitions steeped in gender ideology, with no input from alternative perspectives.
  • Town halls sponsoring Pride floats while event organisers explicitly bar groups who express biologically grounded views of sex.

All such conduct is now in legal question. The Smith ruling confirms that the appearance of alignment with one side of the gender identity debate is enough to breach duties of fairness and impartiality, even if the underlying intent is framed as “inclusion.”⁷

This is particularly acute in light of recent cases affirming that gender-critical views are protected under UK equality law and the European Convention on Human Rights⁸. Public institutions who display Progress Pride symbols, or participate in events where such beliefs are rejected or excluded, are now vulnerable to legal challenge.

Public Funds, Political Activism
The ruling also intersects with long-standing restrictions on political activity by public bodies. For example, the Education Act 1996 requires schools to maintain political neutrality, especially when teaching controversial topics⁹. The Local Government Act 1986 prohibits councils from spending public funds on material that promotes a political view¹⁰.

The embrace of Pride—especially in its modern, gender-ideological form—may now be viewed not as neutral community engagement, but as partisan expression. Public funds spent on ideological branding, flag raising, or stall sponsorship may constitute misuse of public money.

Towards a Reset in Public Institutions
For years, Pride events have enjoyed automatic institutional support. But as the Smith judgment shows, this support can no longer be taken for granted when such events are clearly aligned with contested political agendas.

This ruling restores an essential constitutional principle: public authorities must serve all citizens impartially, regardless of creed, conscience, or belief.

They must not act as champions of ideologies, no matter how popular or progressive those ideologies claim to be.

What Now?
In light of the Smith judgment, public institutions must:

  • Reassess participation in Pride events, especially if official branding, uniformed staff, or sponsored materials are involved.
  • Cease use of the Progress Pride flag or similar symbols that imply endorsement of contested ideological positions.
  • Review all equality and diversity training to ensure it is ideologically neutral and includes protected belief perspectives.
  • Respect political neutrality in schools, ensuring pupils are exposed to all lawful perspectives on sex and gender.
  • Apply the Public Sector Equality Duty fairly, acknowledging the rights and dignity of all protected belief groups, not just the fashionable ones.

A Turning Point
This judgment may prove to be a watershed moment in resisting the ideological overreach of state-funded bodies. It affirms that the law is not a tool of cultural revolution but a shield for all citizens, especially those whose views have been maligned or suppressed.

For gender-critical women, for faithful Christians, for traditional moral thinkers, and for ordinary citizens concerned by institutional drift into activism, Smith v Northumbria Police offers a powerful affirmation:

Your beliefs are lawful. The state may not take sides. Impartiality is not optional. 🔝

¹ Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police [2025] EWHC 1805 (Admin)
² Ibid., §§15–16
³ Ibid., §144
⁴ Ibid., §139
⁵ Ibid., §§63–66
⁶ Equality Act 2010, s.10; Forstater v CGD Europe [2021] UKEAT/0105/20/JOJ
⁷ Smith, §48
⁸ For Women Scotland v Scottish Ministers [2025] UKSC 16
⁹ Education Act 1996, ss.406–407
¹⁰ Local Government Act 1986, s.2


When Protection Becomes Censorship: The Hidden Dangers of Labour’s Islamophobia Definition

Why Catholics and civil society must reject the drift toward ideological speech controls in the name of “cohesion”

In recent months, the Labour government has revived an initiative to define “Islamophobia” through a non-statutory framework, guided by a government-funded working group chaired by Dominic Grieve KC. Although not law in itself, the proposed definition is intended to influence university policy, public sector training, and workplace speech codes. It is being promoted as a way to counter rising anti-Muslim hatred in the UK.

But a growing number of voices—including over thirty peers in the House of Lords—are sounding the alarm: this definition risks replacing protection with censorship. For Catholics, who proclaim truths that sometimes contradict Islam, this matters deeply.

The Illusion of Safety Through Silence
The government’s working group insists that the definition is “non-statutory,” and therefore not a threat to free speech. Yet, as Mr Grieve has stated, the goal is for it to be embedded in university regulations and codes of conduct, including those targeting so-called “micro-aggressions.” The implication is clear: students and faculty could face formal penalties for statements deemed critical of Islam—even if made in good faith, or as part of theological discourse¹.

This is not conjecture. When the Labour Party adopted a similar definition in 2018, it was used to suspend Sir Trevor Phillips—one of the UK’s most prominent race equality advocates—for his candid comments about Islamist extremism and social integration².

Social Cohesion or Civic Division?
One of the central concerns voiced by parliamentarians and civil liberties groups is the definition’s likely impact on community cohesion. While intended to foster harmony, its implementation may achieve the opposite. By prioritising protections for Muslims alone—without extending similar recognition to Jews, Christians, Hindus, or others—the definition risks enshrining religious partiality into public policy.

In cities like Leicester, Birmingham, and Bradford, where religious and ethnic tensions have occasionally erupted into violence, such asymmetry could deepen mistrust between communities. Favouring one group above others in civic life erodes the principle of equal protection under the law—a cornerstone of British justice and a requirement of the Church’s own teaching on the dignity of all peoples³.

Freedom of Religion Includes the Freedom to Dissent
Catholic teaching upholds the freedom of religion—not merely the right to worship privately, but the liberty to speak and act in accordance with one’s beliefs. Evangelisation, public theology, and respectful critique of non-Christian belief systems are part of this freedom. Yet under vague speech codes shaped by a poorly defined notion of “Islamophobia,” even doctrinal truth claims may come under suspicion.

Consider this: Islam explicitly denies the divinity of Christ, His crucifixion, and His resurrection. For Christians, these are non-negotiable truths. But under some interpretations of “Islamophobia,” asserting such claims publicly could be labelled offensive or even hateful. The result is not interfaith understanding, but the silencing of conscience.

From Protection to Ideological Enforcement
The ambiguity of the term “Islamophobia” is at the heart of the problem. As defined by the All-Party Parliamentary Group in 2018, Islamophobia is “a type of racism that targets expressions of Muslimness or perceived Muslimness”⁴. But what exactly constitutes “Muslimness”? Dress? Theology? Political views? Social customs? Without clarity, the definition becomes a tool for enforcing ideological conformity rather than protecting individuals from abuse.

Moreover, the attempt to classify criticism of Islam as a form of racism is conceptually flawed. Islam is not a race; it is a belief system with adherents from every ethnicity. To conflate critique of religious ideas with racial hatred is to commit a category error—and one with serious consequences for free inquiry and evangelisation.

The Path Forward: Precision Without Prejudice
The Catholic response must be both principled and prudent. Yes, we reject anti-Muslim hatred. Yes, we affirm the dignity of every person, regardless of faith. But we also insist that freedom of speech, religious debate, and theological truth must not be sacrificed in pursuit of an illusory harmony.

Rather than enshrining “Islamophobia” as a concept into public life, the government would do better to adopt the more accurate and morally defensible language of “anti-Muslim hatred.” This term, already reflected in British law, protects people—without shielding ideologies from scrutiny. It strikes a necessary balance between civil order and civic freedom.

Conclusion: The Cost of Silence Is Too High
Community cohesion is not built on suppression but on shared commitment to the common good. Catholic social teaching urges us to pursue truth in love, to defend human dignity, and to build societies rooted in justice and peace. But peace does not come from muzzling disagreement. It comes from mutual respect, reasoned dialogue, and fidelity to the truth.

If Labour’s definition of Islamophobia becomes the new norm in universities, government departments, and cultural institutions, it will not prevent division—it will deepen it. Catholics, and all who cherish freedom, must resist the temptation to exchange moral clarity for political quietude. 🔝

  1. Letter to Dominic Grieve KC, 14 July 2025, p. 3.
  2. Ibid., p. 4.
  3. Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, §§388–391.
  4. All-Party Parliamentary Group on British Muslims, Islamophobia Defined (2018).

Misusing the Gravest Word: Why ‘Genocide’ Does Not Describe the War in Gaza

The distortion of legal language in pursuit of ideological narratives

Among the many tragedies of modern conflict is the loss not only of human life but of truth. In recent months, the accusation that Israel is committing “genocide” in Gaza has become a rallying cry for student protestors, political activists, and even international bodies. Yet the claim, emotionally resonant as it may be, is factually and legally unfounded. Indeed, its propagation risks trivialising the very concept of genocide itself.

What Genocide Means—And What It Doesn’t
The term genocide was codified in international law by the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. According to Article II of the Convention, genocide refers to acts “committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” These acts include:

  • Killing members of the group;
  • Causing serious bodily or mental harm;
  • Deliberately inflicting conditions calculated to bring about physical destruction;
  • Imposing measures to prevent births;
  • Forcibly transferring children to another group¹.

What distinguishes genocide from other forms of warfare or mass atrocity is the intent to destroy a group as such. It is not enough that people die in large numbers—however grievous their deaths may be. Civilian casualties in war, though horrific, do not meet the threshold of genocide unless accompanied by proof of targeted extermination with intent.

The Population of Gaza: What the Numbers Actually Show
Contrary to the genocide accusation, the population of Gaza has not decreased. Quite the opposite. According to the CIA World Factbook and UN OCHA, Gaza’s population stood at around 2.2 million in late 2023, one of the densest populations per square kilometre in the world². Despite the tragic loss of life since October 7, the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, widely cited by international agencies, has not recorded a net population decline³. Birth rates remain high—among the highest in the world—and international food and medical aid continues to be delivered via Egypt and other partners.

While any civilian death is grievous, and Israel has faced legitimate criticism for its conduct in some operations, the facts do not support the charge of a systematic attempt to destroy the Palestinian people. If such an attempt were being made, it would be unprecedentedly ineffective: more Palestinians are alive today than before the war began⁴.

Ideological Activism and the Erosion of Legal Truth
The selective and inflated use of the term genocide is not merely an error—it is a tactic. Activists use the word to shut down debate, delegitimise Israel’s right to self-defence, and cast their cause in the moral light of the post-Holocaust consensus. But this rhetorical move collapses when examined alongside the behaviour of the so-called “liberated” Palestinian authorities.

The dominant faction in Gaza, Hamas, has openly called for the annihilation of the State of Israel and the Jewish people⁵. It routinely uses civilian infrastructure for military purposes, places weapons in hospitals and schools, and exploits its own population as human shields. And it governs a society in which the freedoms student activists in the West take for granted—free speech, sexual liberty, religious diversity—would be met with censorship, violence, or worse.

The Tragedy and the Truth
There is no doubt that Gaza is suffering. War always brings ruin, especially when waged in dense civilian areas. But suffering, even on a large scale, does not itself prove genocide. To claim otherwise is to misuse international law for political theatre, and to dishonour those who have died in real genocides—from Armenia and the Holocaust to Rwanda and the Yazidis of Iraq.

Language matters. If every war becomes “genocide,” the term loses meaning. Worse still, justice itself becomes a game of slogans rather than a pursuit of truth. The people of Gaza—and of Israel—deserve better than that. 🔝

¹ Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, 1948, Article II.
² CIA World Factbook, “Gaza Strip” (2023 edition); UN OCHA Humanitarian Situation Reports (October 2023–March 2024).
³ Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, “Estimated Population in Palestine Mid-Year by Governorate, 2023.”
⁴ World Bank Gaza Macro Poverty Outlook, 2024; UN OCHA Gaza Emergency Updates, January–June 2024.
⁵ Hamas Covenant, 1988 and updated Charter 2017; numerous statements by senior Hamas officials calling for the destruction of Israel.


The Cancelled Interview: Fr Nicola Bux, the Traditional Liturgy, and the Vatican’s Hidden Survey

On July 11, 2025, the influential Italian blog Messa in Latino was abruptly taken offline by Google’s Blogger.com platform. The removal occurred mere hours after the site published a high-profile interview with Fr Nicola Bux, the renowned liturgist and former consulter to several Roman Congregations under Pope Benedict XVI. No specific reason was given for the removal, but sources close to Messa in Latino confirmed that the takedown followed a complaint lodged with the platform. The timing and target suggest that censorship—possibly ideologically motivated—was at play.

The full interview has since resurfaced on Fede e Cultura and was republished in English by Edward Pentin on his Substack the day of the takedown. In it, Fr Bux offers a searing critique of postconciliar liturgical reform, denounces the ideological suppression of the Traditional Latin Mass (TLM), and appeals directly to Pope Leo XIV to restore liturgical peace in the Church by lifting the restrictions imposed under Traditionis Custodes.

A forgotten report, a forbidden liturgy
Central to Fr Bux’s remarks is his new book—La Liturgia non è uno spettacolo (“The Liturgy is Not a Show”), co-authored with Severino Gaeta—which contains extensive commentary on the Vatican’s confidential 2020 survey of the world’s bishops. The Vatican claimed that survey provided the evidentiary basis for Pope Francis’s July 16, 2021 motu proprio Traditionis Custodes, which severely curtailed the use of the ancient Roman Rite.

However, as journalist Diane Montagna revealed in a bombshell July 1, 2025 exposé, the survey results directly contradicted the official narrative. The majority of bishops reportedly expressed concerns that restricting the Traditional Latin Mass would “do more harm than good,” and advised preserving the liberalization granted under Benedict XVI’s Summorum Pontificum (2007)¹. The Vatican, when pressed, claimed that “other confidential reports” informed the decision to restrict the TLM—but has offered no transparency or explanation since.

Fr Bux calls the suppression not only unjustified, but dishonest: “Those who conceived Traditionis Custodes and its annexes didn’t practice synodality. Not only that, they falsified the synodality manifested by the bishops in their responses to the questionnaire”².

The liturgy as battlefield: a return to the rights of God
Describing the liturgy today as a “battlefield,” Fr Bux identifies the gravest mistake of the postconciliar reform as its anthropocentric turn. Rather than orienting worship toward the majesty of God, he argues, the reform placed undue emphasis on the “right” of the people to participate—a right understood not theologically, but democratically and emotively. This inversion, he warns, “transformed the sacred liturgy into a public ceremony, subject to display, spectacle, or entertainment—what in America is called ‘litur-tainment’”³.

The solution, according to Fr Bux, lies in a return to obedience—not merely to ecclesiastical authority, but to the authority of the liturgy itself, which comes from above and is not “at our disposal.” He calls for the long-sought but never implemented codice liturgico—a liturgical code with canonical penalties for abuse—to restore order and unity. He criticizes both sides of the current conflict: “Those who advocate deformations in the Novus Ordo are not without sin, but neither are those of the Vetus Ordo proponents who do not adhere to the latest edition of the Roman Missal of 1962”⁴.

The Real Presence and the stewed Mass
Fr Bux also warns of a collapse in belief in the Real Presence of Christ in the Eucharist—an erosion hastened by desacralized rites and irreverent practices. He sees a “widespread reduction of the Sacrament—Most Holy—to a convivial symbol or common food,” rather than the “medicine of immortality” to be adored before being consumed⁵.

He further criticizes what he calls the “Messa spezzatino” (“stewed Mass”)—a result of symbolic and linguistic fragmentation in the reformed liturgy. The key to recovery, he argues, is a reorientation—literally. He calls for priests to return to facing ad orientem at least from the Offertory to Communion, recovering the “cosmic and eschatological dimension” of divine worship. This, he contends, is more important than even the use of Latin—though he affirms that Latin remains essential to the sacred atmosphere of the Roman Rite⁶.

Francis, Leo, and the liturgical horizon
When asked about the motives behind Traditionis Custodes, Fr Bux is candid and sharp. He sees Pope Francis as suffering from an “ideological prejudice” and perhaps even a “psychiatric problem,” quoting unnamed sources from Buenos Aires who reportedly understand his mentality⁷. He describes Francis’s decision-making style as one where “his will was law,” and laments the presence of sycophantic “courtiers” rather than true collaborators.

In contrast, he expresses hope in Pope Leo XIV, praising what he perceives to be the new pope’s broader vision of ecclesial diversity. “The Church is circumdata varietate—surrounded by variety,” Bux says, noting that multiple liturgical rites coexist in the Church by the will of the Holy Spirit. A true exercise of papal authority, he argues, is not uniformity but “synthesizing charisms for the Church’s mission”⁸.

To fears that restoring the Traditional Mass would undermine the Pope’s authority, Bux responds with the principle of Gamaliel from Acts 5: “If it is of God, you will not be able to overthrow it.” He urges the Church to discern whether the survival—and resurgence—of the ancient Rite over sixty years might in fact be providential⁹.

A call for reform and repentance
Fr Bux concludes with a call for a mea culpa from those who falsely invoked synodality while suppressing the very consensus it revealed. He urges a gradual return to the freedoms granted under Summorum Pontificum, arguing that only such a move can bring about genuine “liturgical peace.”

At a time when ideological suppression masquerades as unity, and digital censorship seeks to silence theological dissent, Fr Bux’s voice is both clarifying and prophetic. That his interview was taken down without warning only underscores the truth of his most urgent claim: that the crisis in the Church is not merely liturgical, but moral and spiritual—and that healing begins with truth, reverence, and fidelity to what the Church has always known to be sacred. 🔝

¹ Diane Montagna, “The Vatican’s Hidden Survey: What the Bishops Really Said,” July 1, 2025.
² Fr Nicola Bux, interview with Messa in Latino, July 11, 2025, republished via Fede e Cultura.
³ Ibid.
⁴ Ibid.
⁵ Ibid.
⁶ Ibid.
⁷ Ibid.
⁸ Ibid.
⁹ Acts 5:38–39; cf. interview remarks.


The Humiliated and the Hidden: Archbishop of Selsey Issues Pastoral Letter to Clergy

A call to persevere in humility and fidelity
On 16 July 2025, the Feast of Saint Alexius, the Titular Archbishop of Selsey and Primus of the Old Roman Apostolate issued a deeply personal and theologically weighty pastoral letter to his clergy, entitled Humiliati et Absconditi—”The Humiliated and the Hidden.” The letter reflects on the model of Saint Alexius, the Roman nobleman who chose a life of obscurity and humiliation for the sake of Christ, and draws parallels with the trials faced by clergy today who remain faithful to the perennial Tradition of the Church.

Faithfulness amid rejection

In the letter, the Archbishop acknowledges the experience of marginalisation that many clergy suffer today, both from the world and within the visible structures of the Church. He writes, “You bear the ancient rite, the unbroken faith, and the sacred tradition of the ages, yet are treated as if you are irrelevant relics or even rebellious interlopers.” Yet far from discouragement, the Archbishop interprets this humiliation as a sign of authentic conformity to Christ: “This humiliation is not your shame—it is your crown.” Echoing the spiritual logic of the Cross, the letter calls priests to understand their hiddenness not as failure but as purification and union with the Crucified.

A challenge to the narrowness of institutionalism
Addressing the early pontificate of Pope Leo XIV, the Archbishop writes candidly that “it now seems increasingly clear that [he] will not be the restorer of the Church’s integrity nor the repairer of her fractured internal communion.” While this marks a sobering recognition, it does not lead to resignation but to renewed clarity. “We were never promised institutional approval,” the Archbishop insists, “but fidelity.”

The letter then invokes a striking scriptural analogy, recalling the episode in which the Apostle John attempts to forbid a man casting out demons in Jesus’ name. “Forbid him not,” replies the Lord, “for there is no man that doth a miracle in My name, and can soon speak ill of Me. For he that is not against you is for you” (Mark 9:39–40). The Archbishop comments that Christ “did not legitimise schism or self-will, but… rebuked the spirit of narrowness that sees fidelity only where approval is granted.” The implication is that the Apostolate’s irregular status does not equate to disobedience, so long as it remains entirely devoted to the Faith handed down and the honour of Christ’s name.

Patristic and spiritual foundation
Rich in references to the Church Fathers, scholastic theology, and classic works of priestly spirituality, the letter situates its exhortations within the deepest strata of Catholic tradition. Citations include Saint Gregory the Great, Saint Maximus the Confessor, Saint Augustine, and Saint Thomas Aquinas, as well as more recent spiritual authors such as Thomas à Kempis, Dom Jean-Baptiste Chautard, and Archbishop Fulton Sheen. In one memorable passage, Sheen is quoted: “The priest is not his own. He is not here to shine, but to burn.”¹

The letter makes clear that such burning may be quiet, unseen, and at times painful—but is no less priestly or fruitful. Chautard’s Soul of the Apostolate is invoked to stress that outward success is empty without a profound inner life, and that “the interior life is the safeguard of every apostolate.”²

Spiritual fatherhood and fraternity
In a pastoral moment of particular tenderness, the Archbishop reflects on the constraints of modern ministry, acknowledging that he may not always be as present to his clergy as they would wish. Yet he assures them of his daily prayers and urges them to reach out to him—“and I will do all in my power to make time for you.” He also encourages mutual support among clergy and calls them to draw upon the wisdom and charity of the bishops of the Apostolate, reminding them that their communion is not merely a matter of governance, but spiritual and fraternal.

A letter for this hour
Humiliati et Absconditi is not a rallying cry to defiance, nor a lament over institutional marginalisation. It is a summons to a deeper priestly identity—one purified by the Cross, strengthened in obscurity, and marked by supernatural hope. In invoking Saint Alexius as the icon of hidden holiness, the Archbishop of Selsey speaks not only to his own clergy, but to any priest or religious who labours in isolation, misunderstood or unrecognised by ecclesiastical authorities, yet resolved to remain faithful to Christ, His Tradition, and His people.

In doing so, the Archbishop articulates with clarity what many faithful have long perceived in practice: that in this time of ecclesial confusion, God is working through humiliation and hiddenness to preserve the witness of His unchanging truth. 🔝

¹ Fulton J. Sheen, The Priest Is Not His Own, Ch. 1.
² Dom Jean-Baptiste Chautard, The Soul of the Apostolate, Introduction.


When Compassion Becomes Cowardice: Crime, Migration, and the Crisis of Moral Clarity in Britain and Europe

The migration crisis gripping Britain and much of Europe is no longer merely a matter of borders and boats. It is a crisis of civilisational confidence—a confrontation between the inherited moral order of Christian Europe and an imported set of values, behaviours, and loyalties that too often prove incompatible. At the heart of this crisis lies not only demographic transformation but a cultural, legal, and spiritual abdication. The failure to name and address the reality of criminal patterns and cultural conflict among migrant populations, particularly those arriving illegally or under asylum provisions, is no longer merely a failure of policy. It is a failure of moral will.

In Poland, bishops have issued stark warnings of the “Islamisation of Europe,” accusing their own government of endangering national identity and public safety through mass immigration. Bishop Antoni Długosz described Poland’s liberal government as “political gangsters” complicit in a European-wide trajectory that began with border leniency and ended with cultural dissolution¹. He and others recalled the Western European experience: mass migration followed by rising crime, collapsing public trust, and official paralysis. “What we are witnessing now in Poland is only the beginning,” he warned. Bishop Wiesław Mering echoed these fears, stating that Poland’s borders and national identity are under attack. Fr Tadeusz Rydzyk, founder of Radio Maryja, linked the erosion of religious education and Christian values to what he called the deliberate twin impositions of “Islamisation and genderisation”².

In Britain, senior Anglican bishops, joined by Muslim and Jewish leaders, have called on Prime Minister Keir Starmer to moderate his rhetoric around migration. Alarmed by his use of phrases like “island of strangers,” they warned that such language may stoke division and alienation. They urge instead a narrative of compassion and inclusion, framing immigration not as a threat but as an opportunity for moral witness and community renewal³.

Yet beneath this appeal to charity lies an increasingly undeniable reality: the majority of asylum seekers and illegal entrants into Britain today are from Muslim-majority countries. In the first half of 2025 alone, over 20,000 small-boat arrivals were recorded, with Afghans making up 16%—the largest single group⁴. They are followed by large numbers of Iranians, Iraqis, Eritreans, Sudanese, and Syrians. All of these countries are predominantly Islamic in population and culture. While the UK does not officially record the religion of asylum applicants, data from the Home Office, UNHCR, and the Migration Observatory confirms that Islam is the de facto majority religion among illegal and asylum-based entrants into the UK⁵.

The cost of this influx to the British taxpayer is enormous—and growing. According to the Home Office’s own figures, the asylum system now costs the UK over £4.3 billion per year, with over £8 million spent daily on hotel accommodation alone⁶. As of mid-2025, more than 55,000 asylum seekers are housed in hotels, often in towns already struggling with stretched services and economic decline. These costs do not include the hundreds of millions allocated to legal aid, appeals, medical services, welfare, schooling, and local council grants to support those with pending claims⁷.

Moreover, the cost of foreign national offenders is significant. As of 2024, over 12% of the UK’s prison population is foreign-born, many of them from the same national groups arriving illegally⁸. The annual cost of housing a single prisoner is estimated at £48,000, meaning the total cost of incarcerating foreign offenders now exceeds half a billion pounds per year⁹. These figures do not account for the social costs of policing, probation services, or support for victims of migrant-linked crimes.

It is important to state clearly: many asylum seekers are not criminals. But the criminality of a disproportionate subset—and the state’s unwillingness to deport them—imposes a burden not only of money, but of morale. Law-abiding citizens are forced to finance, accommodate, and often live alongside those whose presence in the country is illegal, whose conduct is destructive, and whose values clash with the social norms of a Christian society.

Meanwhile, the British state removes only 4% of small-boat arrivals¹⁰. The rest remain, often indefinitely, adding to a legal and welfare backlog that has overwhelmed immigration tribunals and local councils. Each failed removal represents a failure of political courage, and each successful criminal prosecution, a failure of immigration screening. At every stage, the price is paid not by the government but by the ordinary taxpayer—and most painfully, by the victims of avoidable crimes.

Perhaps nowhere has the British failure of moral courage been more tragically revealed than in the saga of the Pakistani grooming gangs. In towns like Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford, networks of predominantly Pakistani Muslim men exploited thousands of vulnerable British girls, mostly white and working-class, many in care. These so-called “grooming gangs” were allowed to operate with impunity for years because local authorities feared the racial and religious optics of pursuing them. The 2014 Jay Report revealed over 1,400 victims in Rotherham alone between 1997 and 2013¹¹. The crimes were not isolated but systemic. The cost in human suffering is immeasurable. The cost to public trust in institutions—police, councils, churches—is incalculable.

Today, similar patterns of avoidance and appeasement continue. Despite the lack of crime statistics broken down by religion or immigration status, Freedom of Information requests and independent studies reveal alarming trends. Afghans and Eritreans are over twenty times more likely than native Britons to be convicted of sexual offences¹². Albanians feature disproportionately in gang crime, drug trafficking, and human exploitation networks¹³. These are not merely statistical anomalies. They represent a failure of political seriousness and cultural discernment.

Europe, and Britain in particular, is caught between compassion and cowardice. Compassion, rightly understood, is the duty to seek justice for the weak and the stranger alike. Cowardice is the refusal to act when compassion demands confrontation—when safeguarding requires judgement and truth.

The Church must rediscover its voice. Bishops must be willing to speak not only of inclusion but of limits, not only of hospitality but of prudence. Silence, when crimes multiply and taxpayers weep beneath the burden, is complicity. What the Polish bishops have said plainly must now be said from every pulpit in the West: immigration without discernment is not mercy. It is moral suicide. 🔝

¹ LifeSiteNews, “Polish bishop warns of ‘Islamisation of Europe’ as he denounces open borders,” July 17, 2025.
² Radio Maryja, Homily of Fr Tadeusz Rydzyk at Jasna Góra, July 2025.
³ The Guardian, “Senior faith leaders urge Starmer to tone down migration rhetoric,” May 16, 2025.
⁴ Home Office, Immigration Statistics – Year Ending March 2025, Table Irr_01.
⁵ Migration Observatory, “People Crossing the English Channel in Small Boats,” 2025 briefing.
⁶ Home Office Annual Report, 2024–2025; BBC, “UK spends £8m a day housing migrants in hotels,” March 2025.
⁷ National Audit Office, “Support for Asylum Seekers,” 2024; House of Commons Library, “Asylum support: Accommodation and costs,” March 2025.
⁸ Ministry of Justice, Prison Population Statistics, March 2024; UK Parliament Research Briefing CBP-9050.
⁹ Ibid.; UK Prison Reform Trust, “Costs of Incarceration,” 2024.
¹⁰ Home Office Returns Dataset, March 2025.
¹¹ Alexis Jay, Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Rotherham (1997–2013), August 2014.
¹² Freedom of Information data summarised by Migration Watch UK and ONS release under FOI request 2024-163.
¹³ National Crime Agency, “Albanian Organised Criminal Networks in the UK,” Strategic Assessment, 2024.


UK Government to Lower Voting Age to 16 Ahead of Next General Election

In a landmark move set to reshape British democracy, the Labour government has announced that 16- and 17-year-olds will be granted the right to vote in general elections, with legislation expected to take effect before the next national poll, due by 2029. The reform fulfills a key manifesto promise from Prime Minister Keir Starmer and marks the most significant expansion of the UK franchise since 1969, when the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18¹.

The policy brings England and Northern Ireland into line with Scotland and Wales, where 16-year-olds already vote in devolved and local elections. Ministers argue that the extension is both fair and overdue. Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner said the measure would “restore trust in democracy” by empowering young people who already work, pay taxes, and contribute to society². The government also points to international precedent, highlighting the experience of Austria, Argentina, and Germany, where lowering the voting age has not undermined electoral stability and may in fact have strengthened democratic engagement³.

Supporters of the policy hope that early enfranchisement will foster a greater sense of civic responsibility among young adults. Academic studies suggest that 16- and 17-year-olds often vote at higher rates than older first-time voters and are more likely to form lasting civic habits if included earlier in political life⁴. Christine Huebner, writing in The Guardian, notes that “when given the right tools and support, younger voters have demonstrated high levels of political maturity and motivation”⁵. The underlying idea is that by being treated as responsible citizens, teenagers will rise to meet the expectations placed upon them.

Whether this sense of responsibility might extend into family life is a deeper and more uncertain question. Advocates for the change often speak of contribution and agency, but a society that affirms teenagers as old enough to vote, yet continues to delay or inhibit their ability to marry, work in stable vocations, or form households, sends a conflicted message. The policy could be a step toward rebuilding a culture of early responsibility—but only if paired with reforms that promote marriage, accessible housing, and dignified employment. Without this wider support, the danger remains that enfranchisement becomes a symbolic gesture, burdening the young with adult obligations while denying them the rights and supports necessary to embrace adult life fully.

Alongside the age reform, the government is introducing broader changes to the electoral system. These include expanding the range of acceptable voter identification—such as bank cards and digital IDs—streamlining the registration process through automation, and introducing enhanced protections against foreign interference and campaign harassment. New measures will impose fines of up to £500,000 on individuals or organizations found violating campaign finance or transparency laws⁶.

Nevertheless, the decision has provoked criticism, particularly from Conservative politicians and right-leaning commentators. They argue that the move is politically motivated, pointing out that younger voters tend to support left-wing parties. Some have also highlighted the perceived inconsistency of allowing 16-year-olds to vote while maintaining age restrictions on activities such as alcohol consumption, tobacco use, and certain forms of military service⁷.

Nigel Farage, speaking on GB News, condemned the change as a cynical attempt to tilt future elections. Others have raised concerns that the measure further undermines the notion of adulthood as a coherent legal and moral threshold, fragmenting the concept into piecemeal privileges granted by political fiat⁸.

The legislation will require full passage through Parliament, but given Labour’s current majority, its approval is all but certain. If enacted as planned, the policy will add over 1.6 million young people to the electoral roll in time for the next general election⁹.

Whether the reform will inspire greater political engagement or merely accelerate existing generational divides remains to be seen. For now, it signals a decisive shift in the British political landscape—one that assumes the voice of the young is not only valid, but vital. 🔝

¹ The Guardian, “Voting age to be lowered to 16 across UK by next general election,” 17 July 2025.
² UK Government Press Release, “16-year-olds to be given right to vote through seismic government election reforms,” 17 July 2025.
³ AP News, “Britain will lower its voting age to 16 in a bid to strengthen democracy,” 17 July 2025.
⁴ Markus Wagner, “Lowering the Voting Age to 16: Does It Lead to Higher Turnout?” Electoral Studies, 2012.
⁵ Christine Huebner, The Guardian, “What happens when 16-year-olds get the vote?”, 17 July 2025.
⁶ Gov.uk, “Seismic government election reforms,” 17 July 2025.
⁷ The Times, “General election vote to be given to 16-year-olds,” 17 July 2025.
⁸ Nigel Farage, interview on GB News, 17 July 2025.
⁹ The Guardian, op. cit.


A gathering in a grand library featuring a diverse group of people, including clergy, scholars, and families, engaged in reading and discussions, with bookshelves filled with various books in the background, and a prominent logo reading 'FORUM' in the foreground.


The Arancel System and the Mission of the Church: A Traditional Catholic Reflection on the Philippine Debate

The call to abolish the “arancel system” in the Philippine Church—where fixed fees are charged for sacraments and spiritual services—has gathered renewed urgency. Bishop Patrick Daniel Parcon of Talibon has drawn attention to the heartbreaking case of a widow unable to provide a funeral Mass for her husband because she lacked the means to pay for it. Such moments expose the scandal of a sacramental economy that appears to operate on a principle contrary to the Gospel: that grace has a price tag.

But this is not merely a pastoral problem; it is a theological and ecclesiological crisis. It strikes at the heart of what the Church is, and whom she is for.

The Right of the Baptized to the Sacraments
According to Canon 843 §1 of the Codex Iuris Canonici, “Sacred ministers cannot deny the sacraments to those who opportunely ask for them, are properly disposed, and are not prohibited by law from receiving them.” The faithful—especially the poor—have a right to the sacraments. This is not a favour the clergy bestow in exchange for payment; it is an obligation they owe by reason of their ordination and the Church’s divine constitution.

The Catechism of the Council of Trent is clear: the sacraments were instituted by Christ for the sanctification of souls, not as sources of revenue. While voluntary offerings and stipends have a venerable place in Catholic tradition, they must never become a condition for receiving grace. As the Decretum Gratiani reminds us, “The sacraments are not to be sold.” This is not only a matter of justice but of avoiding the grave sin of simony.

A Legacy of Poverty and Privilege
The Second Plenary Council of the Philippines (1991) rightly envisioned a “Church of the Poor,” echoing Our Lord’s Beatitude: “Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven” (Matt. 5:3). The Council noted that the Church must ensure that “those who cannot pay the usual stipends or stole fees because of poverty will not be deprived of the sacraments.” Yet, more than three decades later, the system remains entrenched.

Critics—justly—observe that this practice leads to functional inequality. The rich can access baptisms, funerals, and weddings in ornate settings; the poor are driven to forgo them, or settle for truncated rites without the full dignity owed to every soul. Some even cohabit in informal unions, deterred from entering sacramental marriage not by a lack of faith but by a lack of funds.

This fosters not only alienation but scandal. As Pope Francis has repeatedly warned, when the Church appears to side with wealth and power, she “ceases to be the Church of Jesus.” And yet, paradoxically, the very system which enables this appearance is justified in the name of financial sustainability.

The Guild of Holy Souls and the ORA Alternative
In stark contrast, the Old Roman Apostolate (ORA)—which includes missions in the Philippines, such as in Santa Rosa, Laguna—has long operated without the arancel system. Sacraments are never denied due to poverty. Clergy are sustained through voluntary offerings, local stewardship, and international support, reflecting a trust in Divine Providence and the generosity of the faithful. Importantly, the ORA demonstrates that traditional Catholicism and radical inclusion of the poor are not incompatible but mutually reinforcing.

Among its most notable initiatives is the Guild of Holy Souls, an apostolate founded under the ORA’s Titular Archbishop of Selsey. Its mission is to offer:

  • Monthly Requiem Masses for the departed enrolled in the Guild;
  • A permanent Chantry Book listing the names of the dead;
  • Financial assistance for traditional funerals, ensuring that no soul is denied a holy burial due to material poverty;
  • Promotion of the spiritual and corporal works of mercy, especially through prayer and material support for grieving families.

This model demonstrates that it is possible to both maintain the beauty and integrity of the traditional Roman Rite and provide the sacraments free of financial coercion. Parishes under the ORA operate as true spiritual homes, not commercial services.

Theological Ironies and Sacramental Classism
What is particularly troubling is the persistence of hierarchical classifications of liturgical celebrations: “first-class” vs “ordinary” weddings, or “premium” funeral options. This betrays a consumerist model foreign to Catholic theology and dangerously close to ecclesial commodification.

The sacraments are not luxury goods to be upgraded by wealth; they are ordinary means of sanctification for all the faithful. As St. Leo the Great teaches, “What was visible in our Saviour has passed over into his sacraments.” To treat them as scalable services based on payment is to obscure their origin in Christ’s freely given passion.

Tradition and Trust: A Viable Way Forward
The abolition of the arancel system must not be seen as a utopian dream but as a return to apostolic and patristic norms. The ORA and the Guild of Holy Souls offer a tested alternative: a Church sustained by charity, not commerce. Pastors, in collaboration with faithful lay experts in finance and administration, can develop stewardship models based on tithing, voluntary almsgiving, and fundraising—without ever holding the sacraments hostage.

Such reform also provides a spiritual opportunity: to renew the Church’s witness to the poor, to foster lay responsibility, and to rediscover the Church’s true treasures—Christ, the Cross, and the sacraments—freely given to those who seek them in faith.

Conclusion: A Church of the Cross, Not of Commerce
The Cross was not purchased; it was embraced. The early Christians sold their possessions not to buy grace, but to make space for grace in the lives of others. That spirit must animate the Philippine Church’s reform.

To abolish stole fees is not merely a matter of economic justice. It is an act of fidelity—to Christ, to the poor, and to the sacramental mission of the Church. In doing so, the Church may rediscover not only her credibility, but her true strength: in serving without counting the cost.

If the Philippine Church is to be truly a Church of the Poor, it must follow the path already illuminated by those like the ORA and the Guild of Holy Souls: offering sacraments as spiritual necessities, not financial transactions. Therein lies the only true economy of grace. 🔝

  1. ORA Mission Summary, Philippines. https://selsey.org/ministry/
  2. Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), canon 843 §1.
  3. Catechism of the Council of Trent, Part II, On the Sacraments.
  4. Gratian’s Decretum, Causa 1, Q.1, c.1.
  5. Second Plenary Council of the Philippines (1991), Final Document, §§123, 128.
  6. Evangelii Gaudium, Pope Francis, §198.
  7. St. Leo the Great, Sermon 74: On the Ascension.
  8. “The Guild of the Holy Souls,” Old Roman Apostolate, Selsey. https://selsey.org/2022/11/21/guild-of-holy-souls/

Credo and Non Credo: Why Catholicism Builds and Protestantism Reacts

There is a wry but revealing observation, coined by the Archbishop of Selsey, that captures a profound truth about the contrast between Catholicism and Protestantism:

“The Catholic Church is proscriptive in what it affirms; Protestants are proscriptive in what they deny.”

In other words, Catholicism defines herself by the truths she proclaims, the mysteries she reveres, and the positive content of divine revelation she transmits through time. Protestantism, especially in its formative and more radical expressions, defines itself largely by rejection — of Rome, of hierarchy, of sacramentality, of Tradition.

The Catholic says:
Credo — “I believe…”
and proceeds to confess the fides quae creditur, the content of the faith once delivered to the saints (Jude 1:3), handed down through Scripture and Apostolic Tradition, safeguarded by the Magisterium. The Protestant, by contrast, often begins from Non credo — not in the papacy, not in the Mass, not in Marian devotion, not in the Real Presence.

This contrast is not mere satire. It reflects a genuine theological and historical divergence in the structure of belief.

A Church That Builds
Catholicism is not static but organic; her doctrines develop, not through invention, but through a deepening understanding of the unchanging deposit of faith. This is expressed magisterially by the First Vatican Council:

“That meaning of the sacred dogmas is ever to be maintained which has once been declared by holy mother Church, and there must never be a deviation from that meaning under the pretext or in the name of a deeper understanding.”¹

The development of doctrine, as St Vincent of Lérins affirms, is like the growth of a living body:

“It is necessary that understanding, knowledge, and wisdom grow and progress strongly and mightily… but only in its own kind, namely, in the same doctrine, the same sense, and the same meaning.”²

Thus the Church’s affirmations are cumulative and integrative. Councils such as Nicaea, Chalcedon, and Trent clarified truths already believed and lived. Each solemn definition adds new expression to perennial faith — never reversing or abolishing what came before.

Even the Church’s anathemas are ultimately affirmative. To condemn Arianism is to affirm the full divinity of Christ; to reject Pelagianism is to proclaim the necessity of grace; to anathematise iconoclasm is to affirm the Incarnation’s implications for Christian art and worship.

A Movement That Protests
Protestantism, by contrast, was born in protest and largely remains defined by it. Luther did not set out to offer a new ecclesiology, but to repudiate existing authority. Calvin and Zwingli systematically stripped away the sacramental and ecclesial structure of the historic Church. Even where Protestant bodies retain creeds, those creeds were shaped as correctives to Catholic doctrine rather than expressions of continuity with it.

Where Catholicism affirms the whole Christ — the Head and His Body, the visible and the invisible, the spiritual and the sacramental — Protestantism, from its inception, tended toward theological subtraction: sola Scriptura, sola fide, and the rejection of ecclesiastical hierarchy.

It is telling that the Augsburg Confession, the foundational document of Lutheranism (1530), begins not with positive dogmatic proclamation, but with a declaration of compatibility with Catholic faith wherever possible — followed by a series of protestations and rejections. Its purpose was not to build something new but to distance itself from perceived Catholic errors.

The Instability of Denial
Protestantism’s negating impulse has not brought unity but fragmentation. As the Second Vatican Council noted:

“The rise of various Christian communities… resulted from the fact that in subsequent centuries more profound disagreements appeared and large communities became separated from full communion with the Catholic Church—for which, often enough, men of both sides were to blame.”³

Without a binding magisterium or living tradition, Protestantism has fractured into tens of thousands of denominations, each asserting their own interpretation of Scripture, and many defined by what they are not. As St. Irenaeus warned:

“Where the charismata of the Lord have been deposited, there it is necessary to seek the truth, namely, from those who preserve the succession of the Church from the apostles.”⁴

Catholic Affirmation and Cultural Fruitfulness
Catholicism’s positive structure — her “yes” to divine revelation in all its fullness — has given rise not only to coherent theology, but to the flourishing of Christian culture: liturgy, law, sacred art, religious life, education, philosophy, and social order.

The affirmation of sacramentality, especially, has preserved a robust incarnational faith. As Pope St Leo the Great famously taught:

“What was visible in our Savior has passed over into his mysteries [sacraments].”⁵

The Catholic worldview affirms both the spiritual and the material, the individual and the communal, the mystery and the rational. Protestantism, particularly in its iconoclastic and individualist forms, has often severed these vital connections — leading not only to doctrinal minimalism, but to a loss of the sense of the sacred.

Conclusion: A Satirical Truth with Theological Depth
The Archbishop of Selsey’s witticism may raise a smile, but it contains a deeper insight: a faith that builds upon Christ must do more than reject error — it must affirm the fullness of truth. Catholicism’s identity is not derived from opposition but from fidelity — a fidelity to the one deposit of faith entrusted to the Church (1 Tim 6:20), preserved and proclaimed without diminution.

In a fragmented and disoriented age, the Catholic Church continues to say Credo, and in doing so, invites a weary world into the fullness of truth, sacramental life, and communion. 🔝

  1. Vatican I, Dei Filius, ch. 4, §13.
  2. St Vincent of Lérins, Commonitorium, ch. 23.
  3. Unitatis Redintegratio, §3.
  4. St Irenaeus of Lyons, Adversus Haereses, III.3.1.
  5. St Leo the Great, Sermon 74: On the Ascension, PL 54, 398.

Blood, Brotherhood, and the Collapse of Formation: The Yeti Ritual and the Crisis of Contemporary Seminaries

The recent scandal at Denver’s St. John Vianney Seminary—now grimly nicknamed the “yeti blood oath” incident—offers a surreal yet revealing window into the collapse of priestly formation in the postconciliar Catholic Church. On the surface, it seems absurd: seminarians blindfolded, doused with fake bear blood, and urged to scream into the Colorado night, all under the direction of a vice rector and a man in a yeti costume. But beneath the absurdity lies a deeper tragedy: the replacement of sacred formation with therapeutic theatrics, bureaucratic euphemisms, and spiritual confusion.

Ritualism Without Reverence
According to a detailed report by The Pillar, the December 2023 event was organized as part of a seminary ski retreat. Video evidence reveals seminarians being led through a mock initiation involving bloodied rags, duct tape, a dagger, and ritualized gestures of “brotherhood.” While the Archdiocese of Denver insists it was “a farce,” the presence of the diocesan exorcist, called in afterward “out of an abundance of caution,” speaks volumes¹.

Even more concerning is the documented retaliation against at least one seminarian who refused to participate. He was placed on a so-called “human year”—a newly coined euphemism for a suspension from seminary life, justified as time to “re-examine one’s humanity.” In reality, it was a clear disciplinary signal: dissent from institutional absurdity, and your conscience will be punished².

The Theatrics of Postconciliar Formation
While defenders of the retreat described the ritual as nothing more than a joke or bonding exercise, this scandal cannot be brushed aside so easily. Traditionalist observers have rightly pointed out that such theatrics are the natural consequence of formation divorced from asceticism, doctrine, and sacred liturgy. As Dr. Peter Kwasniewski remarked in a recent interview, “You cannot form men to be priests of the Most High God by clericalizing banality and masking disorder with sentimentality. Men need beauty, clarity, sacrifice—not therapy and trust falls.”³

The post-Vatican II model of formation increasingly emphasizes psychological development, emotional transparency, and pastoral flexibility, often to the detriment of doctrinal clarity and liturgical discipline. The result, as the Denver scandal shows, is a system where young men are no longer being configured to Christ the High Priest but are instead formed to become institutionally adaptable functionaries—sacramental social workers, not spiritual fathers.

A System That Protects Itself
The administrative response to the incident is as revealing as the event itself. Fr. John Nepil, the vice rector who facilitated the ritual, remained on faculty after the incident. His apology focused on his own emotional distress at being “misunderstood,” despite video evidence of his active involvement⁴. Meanwhile, the seminarian who refused to participate was quietly removed from formation. The message is unmistakable: preserving appearances matters more than upholding integrity.

This is not new. Traditional seminaries and clergy have long warned of a culture in diocesan formation that privileges institutional loyalty over fidelity to Christ. Seminarians who question liturgical abuse, challenge doctrinal ambiguity, or express reverence for the Traditional Latin Mass often find themselves labeled “rigid,” “immature,” or “pastorally unfit.” The yeti ritual merely made visible what has long been hidden: a formation culture hostile to seriousness and allergic to the sacred.

Traditionalist Seminaries as a Counter-Witness
In the wake of this scandal, many faithful Catholics are turning their attention to traditional seminaries such as those run by the Priestly Fraternity of St. Peter (FSSP), the Institute of Christ the King (ICKSP), and the Society of St. Pius X (SSPX). These seminaries continue to emphasize the very elements discarded in much of the modern Church: spiritual discipline, Thomistic theology, traditional liturgy, daily Eucharistic adoration, and a spirit of sacrifice⁵.

At these institutions, “fraternity” is not constructed through cosplay initiation rites but through shared prayer, penance, and devotion. Silence, not screaming into the snow, is the foundation of spiritual brotherhood. As one FSSP seminarian recently wrote, “You don’t need fake blood to bind men together. You need the Precious Blood.”⁶

This is not mere nostalgia. It is a return to what works—what formed centuries of saints and martyrs. As vocations to traditional seminaries continue to grow, and mainstream seminaries struggle with both enrollment and credibility, it is increasingly clear that the traditional model of formation is not a liability but a remedy.

What the Yeti Revealed
Chris Jackson, writing with scathing precision in Hiraeth in Exile, concluded: “If you’re forming priests in a system that doesn’t believe in the sacred, they’ll eventually invent something to fill the void. Even if it involves a yeti.”⁷ This quip, while humorous, cuts to the heart of the matter. When the supernatural is evacuated from seminary life—when mystery is stripped from the liturgy, discipline from the moral life, and doctrine from the curriculum—something else rushes in to take its place. In Denver, it was parody. Elsewhere, it may be ideology, narcissism, or despair.

True seminary reform will not come through better HR protocols or rebranded emotional development plans. It will come through conversion—of rectors, bishops, and the Church herself—back to what the priesthood is: a sacrificial participation in the one Priesthood of Christ. This means rigorous prayer, authentic asceticism, theological precision, and above all, the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass offered with reverence and awe.

Until that happens, no policy reform will suffice. No bishop’s apology will convince. No retreat will heal. The seminarian who walks into formation must be taught to walk toward Calvary, not toward a cabin in the woods where a man in a fur suit awaits him. 🔝

¹ Ed. Condon, “‘Yeti blood oath’ divides Denver seminary,” The Pillar, July 15, 2025.
² Ibid. One seminarian who declined to participate was placed on a “human year,” effectively suspending him from seminary formation.
³ Peter Kwasniewski, interview with Catholic Family News, June 2025.
⁴ Chris Jackson, “Knives, Bear Blood, and Yetis,” Hiraeth in Exile, July 16, 2025.
⁵ For a comparative study of traditional seminaries, see Fr. William Barker, FSSP, “The Spiritual and Intellectual Formation of the Priest,” Adoremus Bulletin, 2023.
⁶ Personal correspondence with seminarian, anonymized for publication, June 2025.
⁷ Chris Jackson, op. cit.


Confessions of a Revolutionary: How the LGBT Movement Destroyed What It Claimed to Defend

Andrew Sullivan now admits the LGBT movement has gone too far — but fails to see that its original premise was already a rejection of nature, morality, and God.

In a lengthy New York Times essay, Andrew Sullivan — one of the chief architects of the gay rights movement — laments what he sees as the betrayal of the original cause. What began as a campaign for “tolerance,” he argues, has morphed into an intolerant, ideological machine demanding uniformity of thought, compulsory speech, and the dismantling of biological sex. But for all his candour, Sullivan cannot admit the deeper truth: that the seeds of today’s gender radicalism were planted in the very soil he helped till.

From a traditional Catholic standpoint, the moral error was never merely the excesses of the LGBT movement, but its very foundation: the normalisation of disordered sexual proclivities as a basis for identity, rights, and civil law.

The Illusion of a Noble Beginning
Sullivan presents the homosexual cause as a once noble civil rights movement — focused on dignity, equality, and marriage. But this is historical revisionism. From the outset, the so-called “gay liberation” movement was not simply about freedom from unjust discrimination. It was a revolt against the natural moral law. It demanded the declassification of homosexual acts as sinful, the celebration of promiscuity, and ultimately, the decoupling of sexuality from procreation and marriage from its divine institution.

The campaign for same-sex “marriage” was never merely about “joining” an existing institution. It was about redefining it. Catholic doctrine teaches that marriage is the indissoluble union of one man and one woman ordered toward the procreation and education of children and the mutual sanctification of the spouses¹. Sullivan and others helped substitute a sterile parody of this — a legal fiction founded not on complementarity and life-giving love, but on emotional subjectivity and sexual autonomy.

Promiscuity, Frivolity, and the Public Good
Even in the so-called “moderate” gay movement, there was no serious call to virtue or chastity. The normalization of male-male relationships came with the normalization of sexual excess: casual hook-up culture, open relationships, pornography addiction, public displays of lewdness, and the commodification of the human body. The “Pride” festivals — now embedded in public life — are not celebrations of dignity but parades of vice.

Far from being a private matter, these lifestyles were promoted through media, education, and corporate branding. The result is not merely moral confusion, but social decay. Civil laws that once reflected moral truths now enshrine confusion. Children are taught in schools that they can “choose” their gender and that love has no form but desire.

Adoption and the Denial of Parenthood
Sullivan proudly points to gay men raising children, as if this were evidence of progress. But Catholic teaching insists that no adult has a right to a child. Children, however, have the right to a mother and a father². Same-sex adoption deprives a child of either maternal or paternal love and role modelling. It is a form of emotional and psychological colonisation. Worse, it is often used as a badge of bourgeois respectability to sanitise lifestyles that remain intrinsically disordered.

The consequences are real. Studies, including those suppressed or dismissed by ideological gatekeepers, show higher rates of mental health problems, identity confusion, and instability in children raised by same-sex couples³. To deny this is not compassion — it is cruelty.

Gender Ideology: Inevitable Outgrowth, Not Betrayal
Sullivan sees the current trans extremism as a betrayal of gay rights. But it is in fact its logical consequence. Once sexual identity is detached from biological sex and moral teleology, why should gender not also be fluid, subjective, and chosen? If the moral law is negotiable, and if bodies are mere instruments of the will, then there is no barrier to self-reinvention — even mutilation — in the name of “authenticity.”

The tragic irony is that this ideology now targets the same young people Sullivan once claimed to represent. As he admits, increasing numbers of children undergoing “transition” are same-sex attracted — and might otherwise have grown up to embrace a stable sexual identity. Instead, they are now medicalised, sterilised, and sometimes surgically altered before they even understand what sexuality is. The so-called cure for dysphoria becomes a form of gay eugenics. This is not progress; it is abuse.

From Civil Rights to Civil Collapse
Sullivan insists that “we won.” But if “victory” means collapsing public morality, redefining family, mutilating children, and provoking a just backlash, then such victory is pyrrhic indeed. Even Gallup now shows a decline in support for same-sex “marriage” and LGBT acceptance — not because of bigotry, but because of excess⁴. What was once sold as tolerance has revealed itself as totalitarianism.

Faithful Catholics warned this would happen. The moral law is not arbitrary. When a society redefines sin as identity and builds civil rights upon disordered desires, it will reap confusion, injustice, and collapse. The decline of marriage, the rise of fatherlessness, the erosion of moral formation, and the crisis in youth mental health are all intimately connected to this rebellion.

The Real Way Forward
Sullivan hopes for a “civil” return to liberalism, but liberalism untethered from truth cannot save us. What is needed is not accommodation, but repentance. Not moderation, but reparation.

The Church does not hate persons with same-sex attraction. She calls them to the same path of holiness, chastity, and salvation as all people. True dignity is found not in indulgence but in self-mastery. The Cross, not the rainbow, is the path to freedom.

The gay rights movement did not lose its way — it began on the wrong road. Andrew Sullivan’s essay is a revealing self-indictment. But the answer lies not in going back to 2015, but in going back to Christ. 🔝

¹ Catechism of the Catholic Church, §1601, §2335.
² Considerations Regarding Proposals to Give Legal Recognition to Unions Between Homosexual Persons, Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, 2003.
³ See: Regnerus, M. “How different are the adult children of parents who have same-sex relationships?” Social Science Research 41 (2012): 752–770.
⁴ Gallup Poll, “Support for Gay Marriage,” January 2025.


Brendan O’Neill on Post-Catholic Ireland: Immigration, Ideology, and the Collapse of Cultural Confidence

When a nation loses its religion, it does not become neutral. It becomes vulnerable.

This is the warning sounded by Brendan O’Neill in a July 2025 interview on The Winston Marshall Show, offering a withering analysis of Ireland’s rapid transformation—from a deeply Catholic country with a robust national identity to a hollowed-out society animated by guilt, inversion, and ideological submission. The faith of Patrick and Brigid has not been replaced with reason or restraint, but with a substitute religion of moral posturing.

Ireland’s Cultural Collapse
“There was a time when almost every Irish person went to Mass,” O’Neill reflects. “Catholicism was the architecture of life.”¹ But this architecture has crumbled. Since the 1970s, Ireland has plummeted from one of the most devoutly Catholic nations in Europe to one of the most militantly post-Christian. Weekly Mass attendance has collapsed from over 90% in 1973 to around 27% by 2020².

What replaced the old faith is not just secularism, but hostility. Irish elites now present Catholicism not merely as outdated, but as corrupt and oppressive—a past to be disavowed, erased, and replaced. Crucifixes vanish from classrooms; church buildings are converted; and children are catechised not into truth, but into shame.

“They’ve gone from worshipping the Holy Family to idolising moral transgression,” O’Neill remarks.³

Immigration Without Integration
O’Neill sees immigration policy as a key symptom of this cultural hollowing. He does not oppose immigration per se, but argues that Western societies—Ireland included—are welcoming newcomers into a moral vacuum.

“You can’t integrate people into a society that doesn’t believe in itself,” he says. “You can’t integrate people into a void.”⁴

In Catholic Ireland, immigrants were once invited into a shared moral universe: the sacraments, the saints, the spiritual language of daily life. In post-Catholic Ireland, the dominant narrative is one of national guilt and self-repudiation. The result is not integration, but fragmentation—parallel communities loosely held together by bureaucratic slogans about “diversity.”

Between 2016 and 2022, Ireland’s population increased by nearly 8%, driven primarily by immigration. Today, approximately 15% of Irish residents are foreign-born⁵. Yet rather than articulating a coherent moral or cultural framework for unity, the state retreats into platitudes—and anyone who asks whether Irish identity is being eroded is denounced as “far-right.”

Mary Lou McDonald and Leo Varadkar have both embraced expanded asylum quotas while dismissing public concern about cohesion. O’Neill identifies this as elite doublethink: borderless idealism at the top, confusion and resentment at the grassroots.

Elite Guilt and the Politics of Inversion
This crisis of integration stems from something deeper: a loss of moral self-understanding. According to O’Neill, Irish and British elites have absorbed a narrative in which Western civilisation is inherently wicked—tainted by whiteness, empire, and Christianity. History is something to apologise for, not inherit.

“The West is evil. The developing world is innocent,” he summarises. “That’s the moral order they now teach.”⁶

In Ireland, the effect is magnified by postcolonial mythology. The Irish once saw themselves as a proud, Christian nation overcoming oppression. Now they see themselves as permanently guilty—and align instinctively with any group labelled “oppressed,” even when the moral parallels are incoherent.

“Ireland sees itself in the Palestinians,” O’Neill notes. “Israel becomes the new Britain.”⁷

A Generation Catechised in Shame
The ideological shift has been deeply embedded in Irish education. In schools and universities, the Christian moral tradition has been replaced with a pedagogy of self-recrimination.

“They’re not being educated,” he says. “They’re being catechised into a religion of guilt.”⁸

Education Minister Norma Foley has advanced curricula focused on “global citizenship,” decolonisation, and diversity. But these are not neutral ideas. They function as dogma: a new orthodoxy that sanctifies victimhood, condemns tradition, and replaces national memory with ideological rituals. Students learn not to love Ireland, but to suspect it.

The Rise of Anti-Israel Sentiment
This new moral framework finds its most potent expression in Ireland’s growing hostility to Israel. Palestinian flags hang from Dublin City Hall. State-funded schools hold “solidarity days.” Parliament passes motions denouncing Israeli “genocide” while remaining silent on Hamas atrocities.

Ireland once had a notably pro-Israel political culture. In the early decades of statehood, Irish leaders saw in Zionism a reflection of their own struggle for independence. But that sympathy has been inverted. Today, Israel is cast as the villain of a global morality play. Mary Lou McDonald and Sinn Féin speak of Palestine with quasi-liturgical reverence; centrist leaders follow their lead for fear of being labelled reactionary.

“Ireland has a new religion,” O’Neill says. “Palestine is the crucified Christ. Israel is the new Rome.”⁹

Correcting the Narrative on Irish Antisemitism and Catholicism: From Blood Libel to Blood Libel

Progressives often claim that Catholic Ireland was quietly antisemitic, and that today’s anti-Israel consensus represents moral growth. O’Neill challenges this as a dangerous distortion.

He acknowledges that some Irish Catholics in past centuries believed in the medieval Blood Libel—the baseless myth that Jews murdered Christian children. “There was belief in the Blood Libel,” he says. “Let’s be honest about that.”¹⁰ But this was never Catholic doctrine. Antisemitism never embedded itself in Irish Catholic dogma as it did in continental Europe. Dublin’s Jewish community was never ghettoised or massacred. Robert Briscoe, an Orthodox Jew, was elected Lord Mayor in 1956.

More importantly, the Catholic Church explicitly condemned racial antisemitism. Pope Pius XI’s 1938 declaration—“Spiritually, we are all Semites”—was not merely rhetorical. Catholic theology upheld the spiritual dignity of the Jewish people and rejected racial hatred as heretical.

What O’Neill sees today is not a break with bigotry but its mutation. “The new left-wing Blood Libel,” he warns, “paints Israel as child killers, bloodthirsty monsters. It’s the same trope dressed in human rights language.”¹¹

Anti-Israelism: The New Theology of the State
For O’Neill, the Israel-Palestine obsession is not about foreign policy—it is a moral ritual. Palestine becomes the sacred victim; Israel the scapegoat. Schools, councils, and NGOs adopt the iconography. To dissent is heresy.

But unlike the Christian tradition it supplanted, this religion offers no forgiveness. It demands endless penance, but has no Redeemer.

“It’s a religion of permanent guilt,” he says. “But with no possibility of redemption.”¹²

A Civilisation That Forgets Will Not Survive
What Brendan O’Neill describes is not unique to Ireland, but Ireland’s story is among the most vivid. It is the story of a people who forgot who they were, and so could be told they were anything. When a nation abandons its faith, its history, and its confidence, it does not gain freedom. It gains fragility.

And in that fragility, it will believe anything—except the truth. 🔝

  1. Brendan O’Neill, The Winston Marshall Show, YouTube, 12:20–13:10.
  2. America Magazine, “The Catholic Church in Ireland is close to death,” Feb 15, 2024.
  3. The Winston Marshall Show, 14:45–15:30.
  4. Ibid., 21:10–22:00.
  5. Central Statistics Office Ireland, Census 2022 summary.
  6. The Winston Marshall Show, 25:10–26:20.
  7. Ibid., 19:45–21:00.
  8. Ibid., 28:30–29:00.
  9. Ibid., 16:20–17:40.
  10. Ibid., 32:10–32:30.
  11. Ibid., 32:30–33:40.
  12. Ibid., 33:45–34:00.

Erased for Believing: What the Smith Judgment Means for Me

How the misuse of the Public Sector Equality Duty erased my voice—and why the courts now agree it was wrong
by The Titular Archbishop of Selsey, Dr Jerome Lloyd

As someone who has spent decades serving the common good in civic and interfaith life in Brighton and Hove, the recent Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police High Court judgment stirred something deeply personal in me. It affirmed a principle I’ve long held but which, until now, had no formal legal footing: public authorities have no right to exclude or marginalise individuals simply because of their legally protected beliefs.Subscribed

The ruling is a landmark for freedom of belief in Britain. Mr Justice Swift ruled that “public authorities must remain neutral as between competing political or moral positions”¹. This includes religious and philosophical convictions, even those that others might find uncomfortable. No public body has the right to punish a citizen for lawful, sincerely held beliefs.

This matters to me because in 2022, I was effectively excluded from civic representation in Brighton & Hove on precisely these grounds.

I had served as a long-standing community leader, having chaired both the Brighton and Hove Faith Council and Brighton and Hove Faith in Action (BHFA), a recognised partner in the city’s Third Sector Investment Programme (TSIP). In fact, I am the only individual to have chaired both organisations—roles to which I was elected by peers from across faith traditions, not political allies². I was also elected by the members of Community Works—the city’s umbrella network for voluntary and community sector organisations—to represent faith communities on their Representative Committee³.

The catalyst for my exclusion was my decision to sign, in late 2021, an open letter to the Government expressing concern about its proposed legislation on so-called “conversion therapy.” This term—ill-defined and ideologically loaded—was being used to describe a wide spectrum of activity, from coercive and abusive practices (which I wholeheartedly reject and condemn) to consensual pastoral conversations, prayer, or the teaching of biblical doctrine on sex and identity.

My concern, shared by many respected clergy and legal professionals, was that the proposed law could criminalise the freedom of individuals to seek help in living according to their faith and conscience⁴. The letter was co-signed by more than 2,500 clergy, rabbis, imams, and other religious leaders, representing a broad and diverse interfaith coalition united in their concern for freedom of belief and pastoral care⁵. I believed, and still do, that to forbid prayer, pastoral care, or spiritual counsel offered freely and without coercion would not only breach religious liberty but violate common sense and compassion. I signed the letter not as Chair of BHFA or the Faith Council, but as a Christian bishop acting in a personal and representative religious capacity.

Nonetheless, BHCC officers demanded meetings with BHFA trustees and expressed concern about my continued leadership. At those meetings, council officers not only criticised me personally but also made broader criticisms of mainstream religious doctrine—including the notion of sin. They cited the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) as justification for their concerns, implying that the presence of someone holding my views might place BHFA in breach of equality expectations. On that basis, they suggested that the organisation’s eligibility for TSIP funding might be subject to review if I remained in post⁶.

My fellow trustees, anxious about funding and reputational damage, began to feel the pressure. Though there was no formal allegation, vote of no confidence, or challenge to my elected standing, I stepped down as BHFA Chair to avoid causing division—citing health and time commitments. But the truth is, this was a courteous act in the face of real coercion⁷.

What followed was more disconcerting. Though I had been re-elected by Community Works’ membership as Faith Representative, the organisation refused to ratify or publicise my appointment. I was delisted, emails went unanswered, and I was excluded from all activities—without explanation, consultation, or even a conversation. At a private meeting, their then-CEO disclosed that an LGBT-identified faith group had raised objections to my views, and that CW was informally reviewing my position. That process was never explained, nor was I ever given an opportunity to respond. My removal was silent and total—an erasure⁸.

This case also draws attention to a broader and increasingly well-documented problem: the misuse of the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) by ideologically motivated activists embedded within public bodies. Originally designed to protect individuals from discrimination, the PSED is now often interpreted expansively and subjectively by equality, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) officers to suppress dissenting views—especially traditional religious or conservative beliefs. Critics have warned that the duty is being applied not with neutral procedural intent, but as a tool to enforce political conformity. This includes instances of compelled speech, censorship of alternative moral or philosophical positions, and the institutional marginalisation of those who dissent from prevailing ideologies concerning gender, sexuality, or race⁹. A Policy Exchange report specifically highlights how the PSED has been “instrumentalised” to sideline religious or conservative perspectives under the guise of inclusion¹⁰. It is a striking irony that a law meant to ensure equality is now being used to undermine pluralism and civic impartiality.

The Smith judgment has now made clear that public authorities and those acting on their behalf must not discriminate on the basis of lawfully protected beliefs. The High Court has affirmed that impartiality is not optional. In my case, BHCC acted improperly in pressuring BHFA trustees over my Christian views. Community Works, in turn, acted improperly in excluding me from the faith representative role to which I had been duly elected¹¹.

Unfortunately, the legal time limits to bring a formal claim under the Equality Act 2010 have now expired. Nevertheless, I have instructed legal counsel to write once again to Brighton & Hove City Council, Community Works, and BHFA requesting a public apology and formal acknowledgment of the wrongdoing I suffered. I do so not for personal vindication, but in the hope that future acts of exclusion and quiet discrimination may be prevented¹².

The Smith judgment has implications not only for local councils but for national government policy. The original consultation response to the proposed conversion therapy ban, like the behaviour of Brighton & Hove officials, seemed more responsive to activist pressure than to reasoned and representative religious voices¹³.

What happened in Brighton is not isolated. It reflects a broader trend in British public life: the narrowing of acceptable opinion under the guise of inclusion, and the ideological capture of civic institutions once committed to impartiality.

Faith representation, especially in a city like Brighton and Hove, should not mean conformity to a narrow ideological script. It should mean real diversity, robust dialogue, and equal dignity for people of all sincerely held beliefs.

The Smith ruling gives fresh hope that this may one day be true again.

It is now imperative that a proper and principled understanding of the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) be restored and consistently applied across all institutions and public bodies. The PSED must not serve as a pretext for ideological enforcement, but as a genuine safeguard for fairness, impartiality, and lawful pluralism. Unless this corrective takes place, the Duty risks becoming an instrument of coercion rather than protection, accelerating the damaging and disruptive advance of harmful ideologies—particularly within schools, councils, and civic spaces—where genuine diversity of thought and belief ought to flourish. 🔝

Selsey Substack is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

  1. Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police, [2025] EWHC 1782 (Admin), para. 95.
  2. “Concerning the Minister’s Consultation Response,” Selsey.org, 16 Sept 2023, https://selsey.org/2023/09/16/concerning-the-ministers-consultation-response/.
  3. Community Works coordinates the faith sector and manages Brighton and Hove’s Third Sector Investment Programme (TSIP).
  4. Ibid.
  5. The open letter was submitted to Rt Hon Elizabeth Truss MP, then Minister for Women and Equalities, by the Christian Legal Centre and a coalition of religious leaders.
  6. Correspondence and trustee accounts confirm BHCC officials invoked the PSED during meetings with BHFA in early 2022.
  7. “Concerning the Minister’s Consultation Response,” section: Unlawful discrimination in civic society?
  8. Ibid., section: The erosion of civic neutrality.
  9. See e.g. Joanna Williams, How Woke Won (2022), and recent EDI audits critiqued in The Critic, March 2023.
  10. “Fair Equality or False Neutrality? The Misuse of the Public Sector Equality Duty”, Policy Exchange, 2020.
  11. Smith, paras. 79–96; also Equal Treatment Bench Book (Judicial College), February 2021, on impartiality and freedom of belief.
  12. The limitation period under the Equality Act 2010 is three months less one day from the last act of discrimination, subject to discretion of the Tribunal.
  13. Selsey.org, ibid., final section reflecting on institutional neutrality and ideological capture.

Join the Titular Archbishop of Selsey on a deeply spiritual pilgrimage to Rome in the Jubilee Year 2025. This five-day journey will offer pilgrims the opportunity to deepen their faith, visit some of the most sacred sites of Christendom, and participate in the graces of the Holy Year, including the passing through the Holy Door at St. Peter’s Basilica.

A bishop walking on a cobblestone street in Rome, approaching St. Peter's Basilica in the background, dressed in traditional clerical attire.

What to Expect

🛐 Daily Mass & Spiritual Reflection
Each day will begin with the celebration of Holy Mass in the Eternal City, surrounded by the legacy of the early Christian martyrs and the countless Saints who sanctified its streets. This will be followed by opportunities for prayer, reflection, and spiritual direction.

🏛 Visits to the Major Basilicas
Pilgrims will visit the four Papal Basilicas, each housing a Holy Door for the Jubilee Year:

  • St. Peter’s Basilica – The heart of Christendom and the site of St. Peter’s tomb.
  • St. John Lateran – The cathedral of the Pope, often called the “Mother of all Churches.”
  • St. Mary Major – The oldest church in the West dedicated to Our Lady.
  • St. Paul Outside the Walls – Housing the tomb of St. Paul the Apostle.

⛪ Pilgrimage to Other Sacred Sites

  • The Catacombs – Early Christian burial sites and places of refuge.
  • The Holy Stairs (Scala Sancta) – Believed to be the steps Jesus climbed before Pilate.
  • The Church of the Gesù & the tomb of St. Ignatius of Loyola.
  • The Church of St. Philip Neri, renowned for his joyful holiness.

🌍 Exploring the Eternal City
The pilgrimage will include guided sightseeing to some of Rome’s historic and cultural treasures, such as:

  • The Colosseum and the memories of the early Christian martyrs.
  • The Roman Forum and the heart of ancient Rome.
  • The Pantheon and its Christian transformation.
  • Piazza Navona, the Trevi Fountain, and other landmarks.

🍽 Time for Fellowship & Reflection
Pilgrims will have opportunities to enjoy the unique culture and cuisine of Rome, with time set aside for fellowship, discussion, and personal devotion.

Practical Information

  • Estimated Cost: Up to €15000-2000, covering accommodation, guided visits, and entry to sites.
  • Travel Arrangements: Pilgrims must arrange their own flights or transport to and from Rome.
  • Limited Spaces Available – Those interested should register their interest early to receive further details.

📩 If you are interested in joining this sacred journey, express your interest today!

← Back

Thank you for your response. ✨

🔝


🔝

Archbishop Mathew’s Prayer for Catholic Unity
Almighty and everlasting God, Whose only begotten Son, Jesus Christ the Good Shepherd, has said, “Other sheep I have that are not of this fold; them also I must bring, and they shall hear My voice, and there shall be one fold and one shepherd”; let Thy rich and abundant blessing rest upon the Old Roman Apostolate, to the end that it may serve Thy purpose by gathering in the lost and straying sheep. Enlighten, sanctify, and quicken it by the indwelling of the Holy Ghost, that suspicions and prejudices may be disarmed, and the other sheep being brought to hear and to know the voice of their true Shepherd thereby, all may be brought into full and perfect unity in the one fold of Thy Holy Catholic Church, under the wise and loving keeping of Thy Vicar, through the same Jesus Christ, Thy Son, who with Thee and the Holy Ghost, liveth and reigneth God, world without end. Amen.

🔝


Old Roman TV

OLD ROMAN TV Daily Schedule Lent 2025: GMT 0600 Angelus 0605 Morning Prayers 0800 Daily Mass 1200 Angelus 1205 Bishop Challoner’s Daily Meditation 1700 Latin Rosary (live, 15 decades) 1800 Angelus 2100 Evening Prayers & Examen 🔝

Support the Old Roman

If you appreciate this newsletter, Nuntiatoria and Old Roman TV, and value the effort and time involved in their creation, please consider supporting us with a donation below. Your generosity enables us to continue providing thoughtful and enriching content. Every contribution, no matter the size, makes a meaningful difference. Thank you for your support!

Alternatively, please consider showing your support by sharing it with others. Referring friends, colleagues, or family members helps our readership grow and ensures that our content continues reaching those who will value it most.

Thank you for helping us spread the word!

🔝


Litany of St Joseph

Lord, have mercy on us.Lord, have mercy on us.
Christ, have mercy on us.Christ, have mercy on us.
Lord, have mercy on us. Lord, have mercy on us. 
Christ, hear us.Christ, graciously hear us.
 
God the Father of heaven,have mercy on us.
God the Son, Redeemer of the World,have mercy on us.
God the Holy Spirit,have mercy on us.
Holy Trinity, one God,have mercy on us.
  
Holy Mary,pray for us.
St. Joseph,pray for us.
Renowned offspring of David,pray for us.
Light of Patriarchs,pray for us.
Spouse of the Mother of God,pray for us.
Guardian of the Redeemerpray for us.
Chaste guardian of the Virgin,pray for us.
Foster father of the Son of God,pray for us.
Diligent protector of Christ,pray for us.
Servant of Christpray for us.
Minister of salvationpray for us.
Head of the Holy Family,pray for us.
Joseph most just,pray for us.
Joseph most chaste,pray for us.
Joseph most prudent,pray for us.
Joseph most strong,pray for us.
Joseph most obedient,pray for us.
Joseph most faithful,pray for us.
Mirror of patience,pray for us.
Lover of poverty,pray for us.
Model of workers,pray for us.
Glory of family life,pray for us.
Guardian of virgins,pray for us.
Pillar of families,pray for us.
Support in difficulties,pray for us.
Solace of the wretched,pray for us.
Hope of the sick,pray for us.
Patron of exiles,pray for us.
Patron of the afflicted,pray for us.
Patron of the poor,pray for us.
Patron of the dying,pray for us.
Terror of demons,pray for us.
Protector of Holy Church,pray for us.
  
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,spare us, O Jesus.
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,graciously hear us, O Jesus.
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,have mercy on us, O Jesus.
  
He made him the lord of his householdAnd prince over all his possessions.

Let us pray:
O God, in your ineffable providence you were pleased to choose Blessed Joseph to be the spouse of your most holy Mother; grant, we beg you, that we may be worthy to have him for our intercessor in heaven whom on earth we venerate as our Protector: You who live and reign forever and ever.

Saint Joseph, pray for us.

Note: Pope Francis added these titles to the Litany of St. Joseph in his “Lettera della Congregazione per il Culto Divino e la Disciplina dei Sacramenti ai Presidenti delle Conferenze dei Vescovi circa nuove invocazioni nelle Litanie in onore di San Giuseppe,” written on May 1, 2021:

Custos Redemptoris (Guardian of the Redeemer)Serve Christi (Servant of Christ)Minister salutis (Minister of salvation)Fulcimen in difficultatibus (Support in difficulties)Patrone exsulum (Patron of refugees)Patrone afflictorum (Patron of the suffering)
Patrone pauperum (Patron of the poor)


🔝

Erased for Believing: What the Smith Judgment Means for Me

After signing a letter defending pastoral freedom, I was quietly excluded from civic roles in Brighton. No vote. No process. Just erasure. The High Court’s Smith judgment confirms what happened to me was wrong—and likely unlawful. Equality must not mean ideology..

How the misuse of the Public Sector Equality Duty erased my voice—and why the courts now agree it was wrong.

As someone who has spent decades serving the common good in civic and interfaith life in Brighton and Hove, the recent Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police High Court judgment stirred something deeply personal in me. It affirmed a principle I’ve long held but which, until now, had no formal legal footing: public authorities have no right to exclude or marginalise individuals simply because of their legally protected beliefs.Subscribed

The ruling is a landmark for freedom of belief in Britain. Mr Justice Swift ruled that “public authorities must remain neutral as between competing political or moral positions”¹. This includes religious and philosophical convictions, even those that others might find uncomfortable. No public body has the right to punish a citizen for lawful, sincerely held beliefs.

This matters to me because in 2022, I was effectively excluded from civic representation in Brighton & Hove on precisely these grounds.

I had served as a long-standing community leader, having chaired both the Brighton and Hove Faith Council and Brighton and Hove Faith in Action (BHFA), a recognised partner in the city’s Third Sector Investment Programme (TSIP). In fact, I am the only individual to have chaired both organisations—roles to which I was elected by peers from across faith traditions, not political allies². I was also elected by the members of Community Works—the city’s umbrella network for voluntary and community sector organisations—to represent faith communities on their Representative Committee³.

The catalyst for my exclusion was my decision to sign, in late 2021, an open letter to the Government expressing concern about its proposed legislation on so-called “conversion therapy.” This term—ill-defined and ideologically loaded—was being used to describe a wide spectrum of activity, from coercive and abusive practices (which I wholeheartedly reject and condemn) to consensual pastoral conversations, prayer, or the teaching of biblical doctrine on sex and identity.

My concern, shared by many respected clergy and legal professionals, was that the proposed law could criminalise the freedom of individuals to seek help in living according to their faith and conscience⁴. The letter was co-signed by more than 2,500 clergy, rabbis, imams, and other religious leaders, representing a broad and diverse interfaith coalition united in their concern for freedom of belief and pastoral care⁵. I believed, and still do, that to forbid prayer, pastoral care, or spiritual counsel offered freely and without coercion would not only breach religious liberty but violate common sense and compassion. I signed the letter not as Chair of BHFA or the Faith Council, but as a Christian bishop acting in a personal and representative religious capacity.

Nonetheless, BHCC officers demanded meetings with BHFA trustees and expressed concern about my continued leadership. At those meetings, council officers not only criticised me personally but also made broader criticisms of mainstream religious doctrine—including the notion of sin. They cited the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) as justification for their concerns, implying that the presence of someone holding my views might place BHFA in breach of equality expectations. On that basis, they suggested that the organisation’s eligibility for TSIP funding might be subject to review if I remained in post⁶.

My fellow trustees, anxious about funding and reputational damage, began to feel the pressure. Though there was no formal allegation, vote of no confidence, or challenge to my elected standing, I stepped down as BHFA Chair to avoid causing division—citing health and time commitments. But the truth is, this was a courteous act in the face of real coercion⁷.

What followed was more disconcerting. Though I had been re-elected by Community Works’ membership as Faith Representative, the organisation refused to ratify or publicise my appointment. I was delisted, emails went unanswered, and I was excluded from all activities—without explanation, consultation, or even a conversation. At a private meeting, their then-CEO disclosed that an LGBT-identified faith group had raised objections to my views, and that CW was informally reviewing my position. That process was never explained, nor was I ever given an opportunity to respond. My removal was silent and total—an erasure⁸.

This case also draws attention to a broader and increasingly well-documented problem: the misuse of the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) by ideologically motivated activists embedded within public bodies. Originally designed to protect individuals from discrimination, the PSED is now often interpreted expansively and subjectively by equality, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) officers to suppress dissenting views—especially traditional religious or conservative beliefs. Critics have warned that the duty is being applied not with neutral procedural intent, but as a tool to enforce political conformity. This includes instances of compelled speech, censorship of alternative moral or philosophical positions, and the institutional marginalisation of those who dissent from prevailing ideologies concerning gender, sexuality, or race⁹. A Policy Exchange report specifically highlights how the PSED has been “instrumentalised” to sideline religious or conservative perspectives under the guise of inclusion¹⁰. It is a striking irony that a law meant to ensure equality is now being used to undermine pluralism and civic impartiality.

The Smith judgment has now made clear that public authorities and those acting on their behalf must not discriminate on the basis of lawfully protected beliefs. The High Court has affirmed that impartiality is not optional. In my case, BHCC acted improperly in pressuring BHFA trustees over my Christian views. Community Works, in turn, acted improperly in excluding me from the faith representative role to which I had been duly elected¹¹.

Unfortunately, the legal time limits to bring a formal claim under the Equality Act 2010 have now expired. Nevertheless, I have instructed legal counsel to write once again to Brighton & Hove City Council, Community Works, and BHFA requesting a public apology and formal acknowledgment of the wrongdoing I suffered. I do so not for personal vindication, but in the hope that future acts of exclusion and quiet discrimination may be prevented¹².

The Smith judgment has implications not only for local councils but for national government policy. The original consultation response to the proposed conversion therapy ban, like the behaviour of Brighton & Hove officials, seemed more responsive to activist pressure than to reasoned and representative religious voices¹³.

What happened in Brighton is not isolated. It reflects a broader trend in British public life: the narrowing of acceptable opinion under the guise of inclusion, and the ideological capture of civic institutions once committed to impartiality.

Faith representation, especially in a city like Brighton and Hove, should not mean conformity to a narrow ideological script. It should mean real diversity, robust dialogue, and equal dignity for people of all sincerely held beliefs.

The Smith ruling gives fresh hope that this may one day be true again.

It is now imperative that a proper and principled understanding of the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) be restored and consistently applied across all institutions and public bodies. The PSED must not serve as a pretext for ideological enforcement, but as a genuine safeguard for fairness, impartiality, and lawful pluralism. Unless this corrective takes place, the Duty risks becoming an instrument of coercion rather than protection, accelerating the damaging and disruptive advance of harmful ideologies—particularly within schools, councils, and civic spaces—where genuine diversity of thought and belief ought to flourish.

Selsey Substack is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

  1. Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police, [2025] EWHC 1782 (Admin), para. 95.
  2. “Concerning the Minister’s Consultation Response,” Selsey.org, 16 Sept 2023, https://selsey.org/2023/09/16/concerning-the-ministers-consultation-response/.
  3. Community Works coordinates the faith sector and manages Brighton and Hove’s Third Sector Investment Programme (TSIP).
  4. Ibid.
  5. The open letter was submitted to Rt Hon Elizabeth Truss MP, then Minister for Women and Equalities, by the Christian Legal Centre and a coalition of religious leaders.
  6. Correspondence and trustee accounts confirm BHCC officials invoked the PSED during meetings with BHFA in early 2022.
  7. “Concerning the Minister’s Consultation Response,” section: Unlawful discrimination in civic society?
  8. Ibid., section: The erosion of civic neutrality.
  9. See e.g. Joanna Williams, How Woke Won (2022), and recent EDI audits critiqued in The Critic, March 2023.
  10. “Fair Equality or False Neutrality? The Misuse of the Public Sector Equality Duty”, Policy Exchange, 2020.
  11. Smith, paras. 79–96; also Equal Treatment Bench Book (Judicial College), February 2021, on impartiality and freedom of belief.
  12. The limitation period under the Equality Act 2010 is three months less one day from the last act of discrimination, subject to discretion of the Tribunal.
  13. Selsey.org, ibid., final section reflecting on institutional neutrality and ideological capture.


Impartiality on Parade: High Court Judgment on Police at Pride Signals Warning for All Public Bodies

The High Court ruling in Smith v Northumbria Police found police participation in Pride unlawful due to ideological partiality. The judgment has wide implications, warning public bodies—like councils, schools, and NHS trusts—that sponsoring or endorsing Pride events aligned with gender ideology may breach duties of impartiality, misuse public funds, and violate the rights of those with protected beliefs under equality law. Public neutrality is not optional.

Smith v Northumbria Police sets precedent against ideological partisanship in public institutions—from forces to councils, schools, and services

In a defining moment for the principle of impartiality in British public life, the High Court has ruled that Northumbria Police acted unlawfully by participating in a Pride event in a manner that conveyed ideological alignment with gender identity politics. The ruling in Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police [2025] EWHC 1805 (Admin) makes clear that public authorities have no legal entitlement to side with one set of beliefs over another in live political or philosophical debates¹.

While the case concerned a police force, its implications are far broader. It places public authorities—including councils, schools, libraries, NHS Trusts, and publicly funded cultural bodies—on clear notice: you may not lawfully take sides in live political or ideological disputes, even under the banner of “inclusion.”

Mr Justice Linden’s ruling emphasised that the Progress Pride flag is not ideologically neutral, especially given its strong association with trans activism and groups that explicitly exclude gender-critical individuals². Participating in or sponsoring Pride under that symbol, or in association with activist groups that explicitly exclude dissenting views, creates a reasonable perception of partiality. That perception alone is unlawful in many public contexts³.Subscribed

The Limits of the Equality Act and PSED
The case exposed the misapplication of the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) by police and other institutions. Northumbria Police had claimed that their support for Pride, and by extension gender ideology, was justified by the need to “advance equality of opportunity.” But the court firmly rejected that reasoning, stating that:

“The Defendant’s actions created the reasonable impression of partiality in a contested moral and political debate. The Equality Act does not override the police duty of neutrality.”⁴

The same logic applies to publicly funded schools who promote Pride Month without balance, councils that fly ideological flags from civic buildings, and leisure centres, libraries, or hospitals that host activist stalls without acknowledging protected beliefs on the other side.

Participation in politically or ideologically aligned events—such as Pride, where gender identity ideology is now deeply embedded—must be scrutinised. Not only must public authorities avoid taking sides; they must not even create the impression that they do⁵.

Schools, Councils, and Cultural Capture
Many public institutions have become complicit in this ideological overreach. Examples include:

  • Schools compelling student participation in Pride-themed assemblies or displays, while failing to acknowledge the protected status of gender-critical views under the Equality Act⁶.
  • Council-run gyms and swimming pools festooned with Progress flags during June, with no balancing representation of dissenting beliefs.
  • Libraries and museums co-hosting drag events, “ally training,” or exhibitions steeped in gender ideology, with no input from alternative perspectives.
  • Town halls sponsoring Pride floats while event organisers explicitly bar groups who express biologically grounded views of sex.

All such conduct is now in legal question. The Smith ruling confirms that the appearance of alignment with one side of the gender identity debate is enough to breach duties of fairness and impartiality, even if the underlying intent is framed as “inclusion.”⁷

This is particularly acute in light of recent cases affirming that gender-critical views are protected under UK equality law and the European Convention on Human Rights⁸. Public institutions who display Progress Pride symbols, or participate in events where such beliefs are rejected or excluded, are now vulnerable to legal challenge.

Public Funds, Political Activism
The ruling also intersects with long-standing restrictions on political activity by public bodies. For example, the Education Act 1996 requires schools to maintain political neutrality, especially when teaching controversial topics⁹. The Local Government Act 1986 prohibits councils from spending public funds on material that promotes a political view¹⁰.

The embrace of Pride—especially in its modern, gender-ideological form—may now be viewed not as neutral community engagement, but as partisan expression. Public funds spent on ideological branding, flag raising, or stall sponsorship may constitute misuse of public money.

Towards a Reset in Public Institutions
For years, Pride events have enjoyed automatic institutional support. But as the Smith judgment shows, this support can no longer be taken for granted when such events are clearly aligned with contested political agendas.

This ruling restores an essential constitutional principle: public authorities must serve all citizens impartially, regardless of creed, conscience, or belief.

They must not act as champions of ideologies, no matter how popular or progressive those ideologies claim to be.

What Now?
In light of the Smith judgment, public institutions must:

  • Reassess participation in Pride events, especially if official branding, uniformed staff, or sponsored materials are involved.
  • Cease use of the Progress Pride flag or similar symbols that imply endorsement of contested ideological positions.
  • Review all equality and diversity training to ensure it is ideologically neutral and includes protected belief perspectives.
  • Respect political neutrality in schools, ensuring pupils are exposed to all lawful perspectives on sex and gender.
  • Apply the Public Sector Equality Duty fairly, acknowledging the rights and dignity of all protected belief groups, not just the fashionable ones.

A Turning Point
This judgment may prove to be a watershed moment in resisting the ideological overreach of state-funded bodies. It affirms that the law is not a tool of cultural revolution but a shield for all citizens, especially those whose views have been maligned or suppressed.

For gender-critical women, for faithful Christians, for traditional moral thinkers, and for ordinary citizens concerned by institutional drift into activism, Smith v Northumbria Police offers a powerful affirmation:

Your beliefs are lawful. The state may not take sides. Impartiality is not optional.

Thanks for reading Selsey Substack! This post is public so feel free to share it. Share

Footnotes

¹ Smith v Chief Constable of Northumbria Police [2025] EWHC 1805 (Admin)
² Ibid., §§15–16
³ Ibid., §144
⁴ Ibid., §139
⁵ Ibid., §§63–66
⁶ Equality Act 2010, s.10; Forstater v CGD Europe [2021] UKEAT/0105/20/JOJ
⁷ Smith, §48
⁸ For Women Scotland v Scottish Ministers [2025] UKSC 16
⁹ Education Act 1996, ss.406–407
¹⁰ Local Government Act 1986, s.2



Silencing Dissent? Labour’s Islamophobia Definition and the Threat to Academic Freedom

Peers warn proposed definition could become a de facto blasphemy law on UK campuses and beyond.

As the Labour government reviews legal definitions of anti-Muslim hatred, traditional Catholics and civil libertarians alike should resist the ideological drift that falsely equates religious criticism with racism. At stake is not merely a terminological preference but the future boundary between lawful dissent and criminalised speech. The question is urgent: will criticism of Islam become functionally equivalent to racism in law and public life?

A Shifting Landscape of Definitions
In early 2025, the newly elected Labour government under Prime Minister Keir Starmer inherited a policy initiative launched under the Conservative government to define the parameters of anti-Muslim hatred. The initiative took the form of a Working Group on Anti-Muslim Hatred/Islamophobia, chaired by Dominic Grieve KC, with the goal of producing a non-statutory definition that could inform hate crime enforcement, education policy, and civic guidance.

Despite assurances that any forthcoming definition would not be legally binding, Mr Grieve has expressed the hope that it would be “embedded in university speech codes” to curb so-called “micro-aggressions”¹. More than thirty peers from across the political spectrum have now written to Mr Grieve, warning that such a move would have a “chilling effect” on free speech and effectively reintroduce a blasphemy law in secular guise².

The APPG’s 2018 Definition: Ambiguity as Ideology
The most widely circulated definition of Islamophobia remains that of the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on British Muslims, issued in 2018:

“Islamophobia is rooted in racism and is a type of racism that targets expressions of Muslimness or perceived Muslimness.”³

This definition, which has been adopted by the Labour Party in opposition and by many local authorities, has drawn criticism for its vagueness and ideological presuppositions. “Muslimness” is undefined and unbounded. It could refer to theological beliefs, cultural customs, political behaviours, or dress—leaving citizens unsure of what speech is permitted. Civil liberties groups, ex-Muslim reformers, and Christian leaders alike have warned that this framing protects not just persons from hate, but ideas from scrutiny, inverting the very principles of a pluralistic society.

Islam Is Not a Race
The most dangerous presumption in the APPG definition is its claim that Islamophobia is a form of racism. This is conceptually incoherent. Islam is not a race—it is a global religion with adherents from every ethnic background. To label criticism of Islamic belief, law, or history as racism is to commit a category error—one that has already been used to stigmatise theological dissent.

From a Catholic perspective, the danger is acute. The Gospel proclaims Christ crucified and risen, the only Son of the Father, and Saviour of mankind. Islam explicitly denies these doctrines. If the critique or rejection of Islamic teaching is redefined as racism, then evangelisation itself becomes hate speech.

A Definition Drafted in Secret?
Despite the gravity of its task, the Working Group has operated with a remarkable lack of transparency. Its terms of reference state that its proceedings are confidential, its advice to government private, and that the group “does not speak on behalf of HMG”⁴. No public list of members has been released, no minutes published, and no evidence of consultation with Christian, Hindu, Sikh, or secular groups—despite the fact that some of these communities are frequently misidentified in so-called “Islamophobic” incidents⁵.

This lack of oversight has been criticised in Parliament by Baroness Fox of Buckley⁶ and flagged by civil liberties groups including the Free Speech Union, the National Secular Society, and researchers at Policy Exchange⁷. Some working group members have known affiliations with Islamist-linked advocacy networks, raising serious questions about the group’s ideological balance and institutional objectivity⁸.

Peers Speak Out
In a letter dated 14 July 2025, more than thirty peers—including Lord Moylan, Baroness Fox, Lord Frost, and Baroness Deech—raised additional red flags. They warned that the definition, if endorsed by government, will likely be embedded across the public sector: in universities, schools, NHS trusts, councils, regulatory bodies, and the courts⁹. They cite the case of Sir Trevor Phillips, suspended by Labour in 2020 under a non-statutory Islamophobia code, and warn that future disciplinary processes could follow the same path.

The letter also warns of a false sense of effectiveness. They note that the adoption of the IHRA definition of antisemitism has not curbed antisemitic hate incidents—especially in the wake of the Hamas attacks of October 2023—and that there is no evidence that defining Islamophobia would reduce hate crime against Muslims¹⁰.

The Grooming Gang Scandal
One of the strongest arguments raised is that vague and ideologically slanted definitions have historically suppressed whistleblowing. Baroness Casey’s National Audit found that police officers, councillors, and journalists failed to raise concerns about grooming gangs in towns like Rotherham and Telford because of fear they would be labelled “Islamophobic”¹¹. Indeed, public figures who did speak out—such as Sarah Champion MP and feminist campaigner Julie Bindel—were denounced by advocacy groups and nominated for “Islamophobe of the Year” awards.

Conflating Faith and Hatred
The peers urge Mr Grieve to drop the word “Islamophobia” altogether. They argue that the term blurs the crucial distinction between hatred of Muslims (a moral and legal evil) and criticism of Islam (a fundamental right in a free society). The term anti-Muslim hatred better names the wrong—targeting persons, not ideas. As they point out, this approach aligns with the Public Order Act 1986 and the Equality Act 2010, both of which protect individuals from religiously aggravated offences without prohibiting theological debate.

Proposed Solutions
The peers make four key recommendations:

  • Broaden the Working Group to include non-Muslim religious voices and free speech advocates;
  • Postpone any formal recommendations until the national inquiry into grooming gangs concludes;
  • Drop the word Islamophobia from any proposed terminology;
  • Submit any definition to full parliamentary scrutiny before government adoption¹².

Why the Words Matter
Catholics have a vital interest in this debate. Our fidelity to revealed truth requires us to proclaim the Lordship of Jesus Christ and the unique claims of the Gospel—claims which Islam explicitly denies. This must never be pathologised as hate. The terms anti-Muslim hatred and anti-Muslim prejudice are morally precise and legally sufficient. The term Islamophobia, by contrast, is a political invention used to place one religious worldview beyond critique.

Let the government name the evil clearly: hatred of persons, not scrutiny of religion. And let Catholics, with clarity and charity, defend both truth and freedom.

  1. Letter to Dominic Grieve KC, 14 July 2025, p. 3.
  2. Ibid., p. 2.
  3. All-Party Parliamentary Group on British Muslims, Islamophobia Defined (2018).
  4. UK Government, Working Group on Anti-Muslim Hatred/Islamophobia: Terms of Reference (March 2025).
  5. The Spectator, “The Islamophobia Working Group is Unbalanced and Opaque,” April 2025.
  6. Baroness Claire Fox, Parliamentary debate, Hansard, 20 March 2024.
  7. PoliticsHome, “Concerns Raised Over Lack of Diversity in Islamophobia Working Group,” May 2025.
  8. Policy Exchange / FWI Report, “Renewed Effort to Stifle Free Speech in the UK,” June 2025.
  9. Letter to Dominic Grieve KC, 14 July 2025, p. 3.
  10. Ibid., p. 4.
  11. Ibid., p. 7.
  12. Ibid., p. 10.


Quiet Conformity: The New RSHE Mandates and the State’s Imposition of Gender Ideology

How England’s updated sex education guidance undermines parental rights, marginalises religious truth, and reshapes children’s identity through legal compulsion.

In July 2025, the Department for Education quietly issued a revised version of its Relationships, Sex and Health Education (RSHE) Statutory Guidance, replacing the 2019 framework that had shaped England’s approach to teaching children about relationships, sex, and wellbeing. While couched in cautious bureaucratic language, this updated guidance deepens the ideological commitments of its predecessor—particularly in relation to the affirmation of gender ideology in both primary and secondary education.Subscribed

The new statutory document reasserts the primacy of the Equality Act 2010, stating that schools “must ensure that they comply with the relevant provisions” of that Act, under which “sexual orientation and gender reassignment are amongst the protected characteristics”¹. As in the 2019 edition, gender reassignment is treated not merely as a category for legal non-discrimination, but as a legitimate and affirmed identity to be integrated into school life and curriculum. In practice, this compels schools to treat a child’s declaration of transgender identification as a protected personal reality, and any failure to do so could be classed as discriminatory.

The curriculum expectations are unequivocal. The guidance mandates that “all pupils [are] to have been taught LGBT content at a timely point as part of this area of the curriculum”². This is to be “fully integrated into their programmes of study… rather than delivered as a stand-alone unit or lesson”³. In other words, affirming LGBT content—including trans-identification—is no longer optional, even for schools with religious character.

This development is more than pedagogical; it is ideological. The 2025 guidance instructs schools to “avoid language which might normalise harmful behaviour among young people—for example gendered language which might normalise male violence or stigmatise boys”⁴. Though framed as safeguarding advice, such language mirrors the ideological presuppositions of radical gender theory: that traditional sex distinctions are not only outdated but potentially harmful, and that gender itself is a social construct detached from biological reality.

While the document nominally allows schools with a religious character to “teach the distinctive faith perspective on relationships,” it immediately qualifies this by insisting that “teaching should reflect the law (including the Equality Act 2010) as it applies to relationships”⁵. Thus, a Catholic school may still teach the Church’s anthropology—that man is created male and female, that sex and gender are not severable—but it may not do so in a way that would undermine or fail to affirm transgender identification, lest it fall afoul of equality legislation. The Church’s witness is thereby marginalised, tolerated only within limits set by the State.

This has profound implications for parental rights and religious liberty. While the guidance upholds the right of parents to request withdrawal from sex education, it reaffirms that there is “no right to withdraw their pupils from relationships and health education”⁶—subjects that now regularly include ideological content on gender identity, relationships, and sexuality. Nor may parents prevent children from being taught about transgenderism in integrated contexts under the banner of inclusion or safeguarding. From three terms before their sixteenth birthday, the child may override even a parent’s request to withdraw from sex education⁷.

The erosion of natural and moral categories does not stop at curriculum content. The RSHE guidance, though not primarily focused on facilities, indirectly affirms policies that challenge the integrity of single-sex spaces. By insisting that schools create environments that are “inclusive of all pupils” and that they avoid any action that “discriminates against protected characteristics”—including gender reassignment—it places institutional pressure on schools to accommodate self-declared gender identity in areas such as toilets and changing rooms. However, what the guidance omits is just as telling: it does not affirm, clarify, or remind schools of their existing legal right to maintain single-sex facilities under Schedule 3 of the Equality Act 2010, which permits such provision where it is “a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim.”⁸

In fact, schools are still legally entitled to provide toilets, showers, and changing spaces separated by biological sex, especially in consideration of safeguarding, dignity, and privacy. Yet by failing to state this explicitly, the Department leaves headteachers and governors exposed to activist pressure and confusion—inviting the assumption that to limit access to facilities based on sex, rather than gender identity, would be discriminatory. In reality, it remains lawful for schools to provide single-sex spaces and to make case-by-case decisions about access, particularly where safeguarding or the rights of other pupils are concerned⁹.

In this way, the State places itself not only as the provider of education, but as the final arbiter of human identity. It is not simply transmitting knowledge, but shaping the self-understanding of the child—defining what it means to be a person, a man, a woman, a moral actor. As Catholics, we must reject such an overreach. It is not the role of the State to dictate the content of the human soul, nor to impose a pseudo-anthropology that severs body from identity, nature from vocation, and freedom from truth.

The Church teaches with clarity and compassion that our identity is not self-constructed, but divinely given. “Male and female He created them” (Gen. 1:27). This foundational truth about human nature is not a matter of bigotry or fear, but of love—of fidelity to the God who made us, and to the flourishing He desires for each person.

It is not enough for Catholic educators to quietly comply, nor for parents to outsource their children’s moral formation to an ideologically compromised system. We must act. Catholic schools must form the whole person in truth—not only in religious instruction, but across the curriculum. Parents must reclaim their rightful role as the first educators of their children. And the Church must equip its faithful to resist the slow imposition of untruth through policy dressed in pastoral concern.

Where the State demands silent assent, we must respond with faithful witness. Where the culture says affirm, we must have the courage to say no—not out of malice, but out of love for the child, for truth, and for the God who is Truth incarnate.

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  1. RSHE Statutory Guidance – July 2025, p. 36.
  2. Ibid., p. 36.
  3. Ibid.
  4. Ibid., p. 5.
  5. Ibid., p. 37.
  6. Ibid., p. 6.
  7. Ibid., p. 6.
  8. Equality Act 2010, Schedule 3, Part 7, Paragraph 27.
  9. Department for Education, Gender Questioning Children: Non-Statutory Guidance for Schools in England, December 2023.


Nuntiatoria LXII: Iustitia ex Corde

w/c 13/07/25

A calendar for the week of May 18, 2025, includes various liturgical observances, feast days, and notes for the Old Roman Apostolate.

ORDO

Dies13
SUN
14
MON
15
TUE
16
WED
17
THU
18
FRI
19
SAT
20
SUN
OfficiumDominica V Post Pentecosten
S. Bonaventuræ
Episcopi Confessoris et Ecclesiæ Doctoris 
S. Henrici
Imperatoris Confessoris
Beatæ Mariæ Virginis de Monte CarmeloS. Alexii
Confessoris
S. Camilli de Lellis
Confessoris
S. Vincentii a Paulo
Confessoris
S. Hieronymi Æmiliani
Confessoris
CLASSISSemiduplexDuplexSemiduplexDuplex majusSemiduplexDuplex Duplex Duplex
Color*ViridisAlbusAlbusAlbusAlbusAlbusAlbusAlbus
MISSAExáudi, DómineGaudeamusOs justiGaudeamusOs justiMajóremJustus utEffúsum
Orationes2a. S. Anacleti Papæ et Martyris
3a. A cunctis nos
NA2a. A cunctis
3a. Pro papa vel ad libitum
NA2a. A cunctis
3a. Pro papa vel ad libitum
2a. Ss. Symphorosæ et Septem Filiorum MartyrumNA
2a. Dominica VI Post Pentecosten
3a. S. Margaritæ, VM
NOTAEGl. Cr.
Pref. de Trinitatis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Communis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Beatæ Mariæ Virginis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Trinitatis
Nota Bene/Vel/Votiva
* Color: Albus = White; Rubeum = Red; Viridis = Green; Purpura = Purple; Niger = Black [] = in Missa privata
** Our Lady of Fatima, a votive Mass may be offered using the Mass Propers for the Immaculate Heart of Mary, August 22nd 🔝

Iustitia ex Corde

“Iustitia ex Corde” expresses the truth that true justice begins not with external observance, but with the interior transformation of the heart by divine charity. It recalls Christ’s teaching that reconciliation, mercy, and love are the foundation of righteousness in the Kingdom of God. 🔝

HE ✠Jerome OSJV, Titular Archbishop of Selsey

Carissimi, Beloved in Christ,

“Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart… and thy neighbour as thyself. On these two commandments hang the whole law…” (Matt. 22:37–40)

In the midst of this summer’s political tempests, moral betrayals, and liturgical confusion, our eyes are drawn anew to the quiet flame that ought to burn at the centre of every Christian life: a heart conformed to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, the only true source of justice. This is the foundation of this month’s Nuntiatoria: Iustitia ex Corde – Justice from the Heart.

This is not a sentimental phrase, nor a pious platitude. It is a challenge, and a judgment.

For too long, the Church’s voice in public life has oscillated between technocratic policy papers and ideological posturing. In her attempt to be heard in the public square, she has grown too much like it – anxious, politicised, and cautious to the point of complicity. The result is clear: when justice is severed from love, it becomes legalism; when love is divorced from truth, it becomes indulgence. The only path forward is to recover the unity of truth, love, and justice – not as abstract principles, but as habitus flowing from a heart remade by grace.

What does “justice from the heart” look like today?
It is the mother who refuses to celebrate the mutilation of her son’s body in the name of “identity,” not because she hates, but because she knows that love tells the truth.

It is the young man who stands alone at a Pride march with a placard that dares to connect delusion with dysfunction, because no one else will say what is plain to reason and confirmed by faith.

It is the priest who refuses to be silent about abortion, even when bishops equivocate or kneel to the regime, because he cannot betray either the unborn or the Gospel.

It is the convert to the Traditional Mass who, upon discovering the reverence and richness of the ancient rite, realises he must now live a life as serious and sacrificial as the liturgy he has inherited.

And it is, dare we say, the bishop who would rather suffer marginalisation and slander than confirm his flock in modernist error – because his own heart is pierced with the same love that pierces the Heart of Christ.

Justice from the heart is not mild. It is not moderate. It is not safe. It is cruciform.
This issue of Nuntiatoria gives voice to many such hearts. You will read of bishops in the Philippines denouncing online gambling as a spiritual virus; but you will also read how some of the same episcopates remain morally confused over Hamas and Gaza. You will encounter the irony of St Thomas Becket honoured by a rite in Canterbury that bears no resemblance to the Mass he died for. You will be confronted by the Vatican’s quiet admission that the global bishops never actually opposed Summorum Pontificum, and the implication that Traditionis Custodes was, in substance, a lie.

But beneath each of these stories is the same call: to be men and women of justice – not as the world defines it, but as God gives it. And He gives it not in policies or press releases, but in grace that reorders the affections. Hearts that burn with the justice of God act with truth, even when it is unpopular; with mercy, even when it is undeserved; and with courage, even when it is dangerous.

Let this be the hallmark of our apostolate, and of all who read and labour with us: not cowardice disguised as prudence, not compromise disguised as dialogue, not harshness disguised as orthodoxy. But hearts set ablaze with divine charity, speaking truth in season and out, for love of God and the salvation of souls.

As Our Lady of Mount Carmel reminds us in this month of July, we are clothed with a habit not for comfort, but for combat. And so we say with the Prophet: “I will give them a heart to know me, that I am the Lord.” (Jer. 24:7)

In the Sacred Heart, source of all justice, I remain 🔝

Text indicating a liturgical schedule for the week beginning April 5th, 2025, including notable feast days and rituals.

Recent Epistles & Conferences




The Time after Pentecost in the Tridentine Rite
The Time after Pentecost in the Tridentine liturgical calendar, sometimes called the “Season after Pentecost,” corresponds to what is now known in the modern Roman Rite as “Ordinary Time.” Yet unlike the postconciliar terminology, the Tridentine designation is not “ordinary” in tone or theology. It is profoundly mystical, drawing the Church into a deepening participation in the life of the Holy Ghost poured out upon the Mystical Body at Pentecost.

A Season of Fulfilment and Mission
The Time after Pentecost is the longest of the liturgical seasons, extending from the Monday after the Octave of Pentecost to the final Saturday before the First Sunday of Advent. It represents the age of the Church — the time between the descent of the Holy Ghost and the Second Coming of Christ. Where Advent looked forward to the coming of the Messiah, and Easter celebrated His triumph, the Time after Pentecost lives out His indwelling. It is the season of sanctification, corresponding to the Holy Ghost in the economy of salvation, just as Advent and Christmas reflect the Father’s sending, and Lent and Easter the Son’s redeeming work.

Dom Prosper Guéranger writes that “the mystery of Pentecost embraces the whole duration of the Church’s existence” — a mystery of fruitfulness, guidance, and spiritual warfare. It is not a neutral stretch of ‘green vestments’ but a continuation of the supernatural drama of the Church militant, sustained by the fire of divine charity.

The Green of Growth — But Also of Struggle
Liturgically, green dominates this time, symbolising hope and spiritual renewal. Yet the Masses of the Sundays after Pentecost contain numerous reminders that the Christian life is not passive growth but an active battle. Readings from St. Paul’s epistles dominate, especially exhortations to moral purity, perseverance, and readiness for the day of judgment. The Gospels often feature Christ’s miracles, parables of the Kingdom, or calls to vigilance — all designed to awaken souls from spiritual sloth.

Fr. Pius Parsch notes that “the Sundays after Pentecost are dominated by two great thoughts: the growth of the Church and the interior life of the Christian.” These twin aspects — ecclesial expansion and individual sanctity — are ever present in the collects and readings, pointing to the fruit of Pentecost as the Church’s leavening power in the world.

The Numbering and Shape of the Season
In the Tridentine Missal, Sundays are numbered “after Pentecost,” beginning with the Sunday immediately following the octave day (Trinity Sunday stands apart). The exact number of these Sundays varies depending on the date of Easter. Since the final Sundays are taken from the “Sundays after Epiphany” not used earlier in the year, the readings and prayers of the last Sundays are drawn from both ends of the temporal cycle. This produces a subtle eschatological tone in the final weeks — especially from the 24th Sunday after Pentecost onward — anticipating the Second Coming and the Last Judgment.

In this way, the Time after Pentecost includes both the lived reality of the Church’s mission and the urgency of her final consummation. The Kingdom is already present, but not yet fully manifest.

The Role of Feasts and the Saints
The richness of the season is also punctuated by numerous feasts: of Our Lady (e.g., the Visitation, the Assumption), of the angels (e.g., St. Michael), of apostles and martyrs, confessors and virgins. Unlike Advent or Lent, which are penitential in tone, the Time after Pentecost includes joyful celebrations that model Christian holiness in diverse vocations. The saints are the mature fruit of Pentecost, witnesses to the Spirit’s indwelling.

As Dom Guéranger says, this season “is the longest of all in the liturgical year: its length admits of its being considered as the image of eternity.” It teaches that the gifts of the Holy Ghost are not given for a moment, but for a lifetime of growth in grace — and for the eternal life to come.

Conclusion: A Time of Interiorisation and Apostolic Zeal
The Time after Pentecost is not a liturgical afterthought, but the climax of the year — the age of the Church, the time in which we now live. Every soul is invited to be a continuation of the Incarnation through the indwelling of the Holy Ghost. The sacraments, the Mass, and the feasts of the saints all nourish this divine life, which began in Baptism and is ordered to glory.

Thus, the Time after Pentecost is not simply the Church’s “green season,” but her most fruitful and missionary phase — a time of living in the Spirit, bearing His fruits, and hastening toward the return of the King. 🔝


Justice from the Heart: The Fifth Sunday after Pentecost

The Fifth Sunday after Pentecost continues the Church’s Pentecostal meditation on the interior life of grace. The green vestments symbolize spiritual growth, a theme expressed in the day’s liturgy, which focuses not on external observance but on the conversion of the heart. The lections and prayers instruct the faithful in the path of true charity—one that begins with mercy, humility, and the rejection of anger.

Apostolic Exhortation to Fraternal Charity
The epistle is drawn from St Peter’s First Letter (1 Peter 3:8–15), where he exhorts believers to unity of mind and mutual compassion: “Be ye all of one mind, having compassion one of another, being lovers of the brotherhood, merciful, modest, humble…” This is not a vague moralism. The call to unity and forgiveness is explicitly directed to a persecuted Church, living as a holy minority in a hostile world.

Fr Leonard Goffine emphasises that this passage echoes the Beatitudes and forms a summary of Christian moral life: “Whoever would love life and see good days must keep his tongue from evil, avoid deceit, and turn from evil to do good.”¹ Fr Pius Parsch notes that this is not merely ethical instruction but mystagogical teaching for those who live from the grace of Pentecost: the Christian does not simply obey—he blesses, suffers willingly, and lives from the Spirit.

Justice That Surpasses the Pharisees
The Gospel (Matthew 5:20–24) presents a radicalisation of the Old Law. Jesus says: “Unless your justice abound more than that of the scribes and Pharisees, you shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.” In this brief section from the Sermon on the Mount, Our Lord warns against anger, insults, and hidden hatred: “Whosoever is angry with his brother shall be in danger of the judgment.”

Dom Guéranger sees this as a turning point in the liturgical catechesis of the season. “The divine Word shows us that His kingdom is not one of appearances or formalities, but of the heart.”² In other words, Pharisaic religiosity—though externally pious—fails to satisfy the demands of divine justice. Christ calls His disciples to reconciliation before sacrifice: “If thou offer thy gift at the altar, and there remember that thy brother hath anything against thee… first be reconciled.”

St Augustine draws out the Eucharistic implication: “He who comes to the altar while bearing hatred in his heart approaches not Christ but condemnation.”³ This command is both practical and mystical: fraternal peace is not a legal condition for worship—it is the very life of the Body of Christ.

The Orations: Love and Inheritance
The Collect petitions for supernatural love: “Pour into our hearts such love toward Thee, that loving Thee in all things and above all things, we may obtain Thy promises, which exceed all that we can desire.” This is a prayer for infused charity, not human sentiment. It reflects the teaching of St Thomas that charity is the form of all the virtues and the condition for eternal beatitude.⁴

The Secret prays that the offering might cleanse and sanctify both body and soul. This dual sanctification prepares the faithful to unite themselves inwardly to the Holy Sacrifice. It echoes St Paul’s call in Romans 12:1 to offer one’s body as a living sacrifice.

The Postcommunion closes the arc: “May the reception of this divine sacrament cleanse us from guilt, and make us heirs to the heavenly kingdom.” From reconciliation to inheritance, the day’s liturgy shows how divine justice is not merely satisfied by worship but fulfilled in the transformation of the person.

The Law of Charity and the Peace of the Altar
In summary, the Fifth Sunday after Pentecost presents a demanding image of Christian justice: one that begins in the heart, reforms our relationships, and reaches toward eternity. The Sacrifice of the Mass is not a sanctuary from human wounds but their remedy—so long as we approach the altar in peace, humility, and love.

As Dom Guéranger writes: *“God grants to His faithful not only the knowledge of His will but the love that makes obedience sweet. In the heart where this divine love reigns, no bitterness, no hatred can endure.”⁵ 🔝

¹ Fr Leonard Goffine, The Church’s Year: A Practical Explanation of the Epistles and Gospels, Fifth Sunday after Pentecost.
² Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, Fifth Sunday after Pentecost.
³ St Augustine, Sermon on the Mount, Book I, ch. 9.
⁴ St Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II-II, q. 23, a. 1.
⁵ Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, ibid.


Missalettes (Sunday V Post Pentecost)

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Spiritual Reflection for the Fifth Sunday after Pentecost
“Iustitia ex Corde” — Justice from the Heart

The Gospel of this Sunday, taken from the Sermon on the Mount, presents us with a divine standard that penetrates beyond outward action to the very motives of the soul: “Unless your justice abound more than that of the scribes and Pharisees, you shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.” This is not a rejection of the Law, but its fulfilment. Christ is not abolishing justice—He is transfiguring it. He calls us to a justice that arises not from legal compliance, but from love; not from fear of punishment, but from the heart transformed by grace.

What was lacking in the justice of the Pharisees? They knew the words of Scripture, they observed the external rites, they honoured the Law—but they remained closed to mercy. They offered sacrifices, but withheld forgiveness. Their zeal for righteousness became a cloak for pride, judgment, and hardness of heart. And so Jesus declares that unless our justice surpasses theirs, we remain outside the kingdom.

True Christian justice is not satisfied with mere appearances. It seeks reconciliation, healing, and peace. It refuses to tolerate the silent bitterness of anger, the quiet wound of insult, or the cold refusal to forgive. That is why Christ places reconciliation before worship: “If thou offer thy gift at the altar, and there remember that thy brother hath anything against thee… first go and be reconciled.” This is not a suggestion—it is a condition for the integrity of our sacrifice.

Here the teaching becomes liturgical, even Eucharistic. The altar is the place of union with God. Yet that union cannot be real if it excludes our brother. We cannot feast at the table of divine mercy while harbouring revenge or contempt in our hearts. Every Holy Mass calls us to bring not only our prayers and offerings, but also our relationships—to place them before the Lord in the light of His truth. Who is it that I must forgive? Whose forgiveness do I need? What grudges do I carry to the altar, like chains that bind my soul?

To forgive is not to forget injustice or to approve of sin. It is to surrender judgment to God and to desire the good of the other, even when they do not seek it. It is to will peace rather than revenge. This is the justice that flows from charity—the justice ex corde, from the heart.

The Collect today gives voice to this longing: “Pour into our hearts such love toward Thee, that loving Thee in all things and above all things, we may obtain Thy promises…” That is the secret: we do not attain this justice by our own effort, but by grace. Only divine charity can purify our hearts of hatred and fill them with peace. Only the love of God can break the cycle of resentment and make us ministers of mercy.

This is the justice that prepares us for the heavenly inheritance. It is not imposed from without—it is infused from above. It does not seek reparation through vengeance but finds joy in reconciliation. It is the very justice of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, who loved us while we were still His enemies, and who offered Himself upon the Cross not only for our sins, but for those of the whole world.

As we approach the altar today, let us do so in peace. If there is anyone we have not forgiven, let us forgive. If there is anyone we have injured, let us resolve to make amends. And if our own hearts are wounded, let us lay those wounds before the Divine Physician. Then our offering will be pleasing, our communion fruitful, and our hearts will beat more closely with the Heart of Christ—who alone is our peace. 🔝


A sermon for Sunday

by the Revd Dr Robert Wilson PhD (Cantab), Old Roman Apostolate UK

Fifth Sunday after Pentecost

Be ye all of one mind, having compassion one of another, being lovers of the brotherhood, merciful, modest, humble; not rendering evil for evil, nor railing for railing, but contrariwise blessing: for unto this are you called, that you may inherit a blessing.

In today’s epistle we hear St. Peter’s exhortation to follow the path of not rendering evil for evil, but rather overcoming evil by good. The faithful are to have compassion for one another, to be merciful, modest and humble, not responding to railing with railing, but contrariwise blessing. They are to keep their tongues from evil and ensure that their lips speak no guile. They are to seek peace and pursue it. For “who is he that can hurt you, if you be zealous for good? But if also you suffer anything for justice’ sake, blessed are ye. And be not afraid of their fear, and be not troubled; but sanctify the Lord Christ in your hearts.”

But what was the context in which St. Peter wrote these words? St. Peter wrote to Christians in Asia Minor from Rome. In the aftermath of a fire in Rome the Emperor Nero had launched a persecution against the Christians. Many had died as martyrs. Popular opinion not unreasonably suspected that the Emperor had started the fire himself in order to make easier his plans for rebuilding the city, and had therefore tried to make the Christians the scapegoat for his own actions. There was a fear that the persecution that Nero had started in Rome would spread to the provinces, and it seems that it was this that prompted St. Peter to write to the Christians of Asia Minor a letter exhorting them to persevere in the face of likely persecution. They were encouraged to follow the path of non-violence, as Jesus himself had fulfilled in his own life the role of the Suffering Servant of Isaiah, who was despised and rejected, a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief.

In teaching the way of non-violence Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount (part of which we heard in today’s Gospel from St. Matthew) had proclaimed a righteousness greater than that of the scribes. The learned teachers of the Law had sought to make it applicable to every aspect of life, by devising further laws in order to prevent faithful Israelites from transgressing. In so doing they made a fence around the Torah. But Jesus proclaimed that the time of the new covenant looked forward to by the prophet Jeremiah, when the law would finally be written on the hearts of men, had now dawned. He was himself the full, final and definitive revelation of God’s will. It was not enough to simply multiply outward observances like the scribes, but rather to live by a totally integrated unity of thought and act. The Law of Moses had commanded the people not to murder, but Jesus pointed out  that it was not enough simply to abstain from transgressing against the letter of the law, for the impulse to murder arose from deep seated anger within the human heart. The commandment to love  our neighbours as ourselves had sometimes been interpreted as still allowing hatred of enemies. But Jesus commanded us to love our enemies, to pray for those who persecute us and despitefully use us, to forgive, as we have been forgiven.

At the time St. Peter had understandably found this teaching difficult to accept. He had been hoping for a Messiah who would restore an independent kingdom of Israel by defeating the pagan hordes that surrounded it. Though Jesus had accepted Peter’s confession of faith as the rock on which the Church would be built, he had gone on to proclaim that his messianic destiny, enthronement and rule would come about not by violence, but by reversal, repudiation, suffering and death. The world could not be won by the world’s own methods. In the Garden of Gethsemane St. Peter had used violence against Malchus, the servant of the high priest, who had been among the assembled party that had come to arrest Jesus. But Jesus had told him to desist from violence, for all they that drew the sword would die by the sword. Like the other disciples he had fled. Despite his earlier protestations of loyalty he had denied he was among the followers of Jesus at his trial, though his Galilean accent gave him away. For all his fighting rhetoric, he had failed his Master at his greatest hour of need, when he no longer taught but acted and suffered.

But the good news of the Gospel is that this is not the end of the story. For Jesus rose from the dead, triumphing over death by death. In a resurrection appearance by the Sea of Galilee, Jesus reinstated St. Peter and commanded him to feed the flock, as well as foretelling that Peter himself would one day suffer martyrdom.

It seems that St. Peter had finally taken on board Jesus’ message about non-violence. He emerges as the leader of the early Church (which we can read about in the early chapters of the Acts of the Apostles), proclaiming that salvation had come through the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, who had fulfilled the way of non-violence. He had borne our griefs and carried our sorrows. The chastisement of our peace was upon him and by his stripes we are healed.

It was with this message in mind that St. Peter wrote his great epistle. He was reflecting on the lessons that he had learned in his own life from the one who, when he was reviled, reviled not again, but entrusted himself to the one who judged justly. The Saviour had died not only as a sacrifice for sin, but also to give us an example of godly life. It was better to suffer for good, than for wrong. The faithful should persevere in the face of social ostracism and persecution. For this was the path of the one who had turned the other cheek, in his non-resistance at his arrest and trial, and had gone the second mile, when he had been compelled to carry his own cross. It was this path that St. Peter himself would follow, in his own martyrdom in Rome.

The message of Jesus has been described as the unattainable that we are yet bound to attain. But it is not simply an impossible and impractical utopian ideal, but one that has had effects in history. It is not something we can follow by our own strength, as St. Peter himself well knew, because he was by nature unstable and impetuous. It was rather the divine charity that suffereth long and is kind, that vaunteth not itself, that rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth that gave him the strength to overcome his weakness and be faithful at the last.

Let us pray for grace to strengthen us that we too may follow the path of non-violence in our own time and place. 🔝

Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel

Today we celebrate the feast of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel. The Carmelite order is different from other religious communities in that it does not claim descent from a particular founder, but rather to a continuous witness of those who, since the apostolic age, had lived a life of withdrawal from the world on Mount Carmel in Palestine. This site was associated with the clash between the prophet Elijah and the false prophets of Baal, and consequently served through subsequent generations as a place for witnessing to the truth in the face of the false standards of this world. The Carmelite tradition of a continuous descent of witness on this site since the apostolic age has been strongly attacked and also vigorously defended. It is clear that by the time of the Crusades there was an order of hermits on this site. It is reasonable to suppose that they followed an earlier tradition of witness on the site of Mount Carmel, but this is too uncertain a matter to attempt to draw any definitive conclusions.

The earlier success of the Crusaders in Palestine soon faded and the Carmelites were eventually forced to leave Palestine and take refuge in Europe. Here they faced challenge from other religious orders that already existed in Europe. The Carmelites, despite their claims to be following an ancient tradition of witness in Palestine, were certainly a new order in Europe. A particular difficulty was that the Carmelites in Palestine were an order of hermits. Once established in Europe it was necessary for them to adapt to place greater emphasis on the communal life, especially in the face of challenge from the Augustinians, Franciscans and Dominicans. The constitution of the Carmelites was consequently adapted to bring them more into line with that of other orders of friars. Inevitably this led to the relaxation of many of the stricter practices of the original order of hermits in Palestine. In part this was necessary to be pragmatic in the existing circumstances, but it also led to a falling away from the original vision of the order. In the sixteenth century in Spain under the leadership of St. John of the Cross and St. Theresa of Avila an attempt was made to return to the original charism of the order. The followers of this stricter rule became known as the Discalced Carmelites. They were involved in a bitter controversy with their less observant brethren. The end result was the establishment of stricter and more relaxed orders of Carmelites.

The tradition which today’s feast celebrates is the giving of the scapular by the Blessed Virgin Mary to St. Simon Stock, an English saint especially associated with the establishment of the Carmelite order in Europe. The Scapular was seen as a sign of the heavenly protection of the order in the face of challenge from the existing ecclesiastical authorities and other religious orders. Like everything else connected with the history of the Carmelite order, the tradition surrounding the bestowal of the scapular has been strongly attacked and vigorously defended. The one thing that is clear is that the scapular is a sign of the distinctive witness of the Carmelite order to the veneration of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the life of contemplation and prayer in the face of the worldliness. This feast day, long associated with the Carmelite order, was finally placed on the universal calendar in the eighteenth century.

The Carmelites were thus distinct from other friars in that they placed more emphasis on the life of contemplation and less on mission to the world. On the other hand, they were no longer simply an order of hermits separated from the world on Mount Carmel, but had adopted a communal life like that of other friars. In a sense they combined the original charism of an order of hermits with a later more communal lifestyle like that of the Augustinians, Franciscans and Dominicans.

The history of the Carmelites shows how difficult it is to achieve the right balance between having clear principles and being pragmatic about what is realistically possible in a given situation. If we do not have clear principles we will have no clear vision or aim and will consequently find ourselves living lives in conformity with the false standards of the world rather than those of the Gospel. On the other hand, if we only focus on having clear principles without regard to the circumstances and times which we find ourselves living in we will establish systems that may look good in theory, but are impossible to operate in practice. If a religious order is to survive the test of time it must find a way of achieving the right balance between having a clear vision and being pragmatic about what is realistically possible. This will inevitably ensure that there is a constant tension between the ideal and the practical, but this tension can only be eliminated by neglecting one of these two necessary features.

The Carmelites had to find a way of balancing the aims of the original order of hermits in Palestine, with the more communal lifestyle of the friars that people in Europe had grown accustomed to. In so doing it would be fair to say that they lost sight of some of the original vision. It was this that led to the attempt to reform the order by St. John of the Cross and St. Teresa of Avila in the sixteenth century. This was an important return to the original vision of the order, even if it proved impossible to adopt for the order as a whole. It was necessary in practice to be pragmatic and recognise Carmelites of stricter and more relaxed observance.

Ultimately, a good tree is known by the fruits that it produces. The tree may need pruning in order to grow and flourish, but it can only do so if it is securely rooted in the Orthodox Christian faith. There are many uncertainties surrounding the history of the Carmelites, but what is clear is that the order has consistently produced great saints. The tree is shown to be good by the fruits that it has produced throughout the ages.

Let us pray for grace to discern the way for us to be faithful to the Gospel in our own time and place by both having clear principles and also being pragmatic about what is realistically possible in our situation. Let us take heed to the lessons that can be learned from the history of the Carmelite order and the great saints that it has produced and apply them to our own time and place. 🔝


The Feast of Our Lady of Mount Carmel: July 16

The Feast of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, celebrated on July 16, honours the Blessed Virgin Mary as patroness of the Carmelite Order and commemorates her protection and maternal care for all who seek to follow Christ in the spirit of Carmel—through prayer, penance, and contemplative union with God.

Origins and Carmelite Tradition
The feast has its origins in the 13th century when a group of Latin hermits living on Mount Carmel in the Holy Land dedicated their oratory to the Blessed Virgin Mary. These men eventually became known as the Carmelites. They revered Mary as their “Lady of the Place,” a spiritual mother and exemplar of contemplative prayer. When the Saracens drove the hermits out, many resettled in Europe, bringing with them a strong Marian devotion that shaped the identity of the Carmelite Order.

The Brown Scapular and St. Simon Stock
A central devotion associated with this feast is the Brown Scapular of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, traditionally linked to an apparition to St. Simon Stock, an English Carmelite Prior General in 1251. According to Carmelite tradition, Our Lady appeared to him holding the scapular and promised:

“Whosoever dies wearing this Scapular shall not suffer eternal fire.”

This promise, interpreted in the light of Catholic doctrine, signifies Mary’s special intercession for those clothed in her habit and striving to live in fidelity to Christ. The scapular became a sacramental—an outward sign of Mary’s maternal protection and of the wearer’s desire to imitate her virtues.

Theological Meaning and Universal Appeal
While the scapular and feast day are most closely associated with the Carmelite family, the Church extends the devotion to all the faithful. Pope Pius XII and Pope John Paul II encouraged the faithful to wear the scapular as a sign of consecration to the Immaculate Heart of Mary. John Paul II himself wore it from childhood.

Theologically, the feast reminds us of Mary’s role as Mother and Queen of Carmel, a model of interior silence, obedience, and union with God. In Mary, the contemplative sees the summit of the spiritual life; in her intercession, the pilgrim finds comfort and hope.

Liturgical Observance and Devotional Practice
In the traditional Roman calendar (pre-1970), July 16 is observed as a Double Major Feast, with its own proper Mass (“Gaudeamus omnes”) and Office. The readings and prayers reflect Mary’s singular privilege as the bearer of Christ and her role as intercessor and protector of the faithful.

On this day, many parishes—especially those under Carmelite patronage—celebrate solemn Masses, processions, and scapular enrollments. Devotees renew their commitment to Mary through the scapular and prayer, often reciting the Flos Carmeli, a beautiful hymn attributed to St. Simon Stock:

Flos Carmeli, vitis florigera,
Splendor caeli, Virgo puerpera,
Singularis…

Our Lady’s Promise and Our Response
While the scapular is not a magical charm, it is a powerful sign of Mary’s help in spiritual battle and her maternal concern for our salvation. To wear it worthily is to strive daily for purity, prayerfulness, and trust in her intercession. The Carmelite charism—rooted in the example of Elijah the Prophet and the Blessed Virgin—calls every Christian to deeper union with God, in silence, fidelity, and sacrifice.

Conclusion
The Feast of Our Lady of Mount Carmel invites us to climb the “mountain” of holiness under Mary’s guidance. It reminds us that devotion to her is never an end in itself but a means to closer communion with her Son. As we invoke her under this title, we ask not only for protection in death but for perseverance in life—through the narrow path that leads to union with God.

Our Lady of Mount Carmel, pray for us. 🔝




Forgotten Rubrics: Genuflecting Toward the Blessed Sacrament

Among the many quiet casualties of the postconciliar liturgical upheaval is the nearly universal abandonment of a simple but profound gesture: genuflecting toward the Blessed Sacrament. Once considered second nature for Catholics, this small act of reverence has in many places been replaced by hurried bows, distracted nods, or nothing at all. And yet, the rubrics—where still intact—continue to call for it.

The Sign of Faith in the Real Presence
Genuflection is not merely a cultural gesture but a theological one. It is, as the General Instruction of the Roman Missal (GIRM) still affirms, an act of adoration. The 2002 GIRM states:

“A genuflection, made by bending the right knee to the ground, signifies adoration and is therefore reserved for the Most Blessed Sacrament…”

Historically, Catholics would genuflect upon entering or exiting a church where the Eucharist was reserved. Clergy and servers would genuflect when passing in front of the tabernacle. Faithful would genuflect when the Sacred Host was exposed or when Christ was present on the altar at the consecration. In the traditional rubrics of the Roman Rite, a genuflection was mandated every time one passed in front of the tabernacle or altar where the Blessed Sacrament was present. This was not a matter of piety, but of obedience to the liturgical norms.

Modern Confusion and Loss of Gesture
In many Novus Ordo parishes today, this gesture has vanished, even among clergy. Part of the confusion arises from the displacement of the tabernacle to side chapels or obscure corners, as encouraged by post-Vatican II architectural reforms, often against the explicit wishes of St. Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI. But even where the tabernacle is centrally located, genuflection is often neglected.

Worse still, the liturgical formation in many seminaries and catechetical programs has failed to emphasize the importance of such gestures, reinforcing the idea that bodily reverence is optional or outdated. This is more than a failure of discipline—it is a failure of faith in the Real Presence.

Rubrical and Doctrinal Witnesses
The preconciliar rubrics were unambiguous. The Ritus Servandus in the Tridentine Missal instructs the priest and ministers to genuflect “whenever passing before the Most Blessed Sacrament.” The Caeremoniale Episcoporum adds that this genuflection must be “profound” and “performed with attention and care.”

Even the 1983 Ceremonial of Bishops (§71) retains the instruction:

“When the Blessed Sacrament is reserved in the sanctuary, the bishop and ministers genuflect whenever they pass in front of it, except when they are carrying the processional cross or candles.”

More Than Ritual
To genuflect is to confess with the body that Christ is truly present—Body, Blood, Soul, and Divinity. It is a public act of humility, of Eucharistic faith, and of interior devotion expressed outwardly. In a world that constantly encourages casualness and self-centeredness, the genuflection is a physical antidote: a moment of silence, deference, and adoration directed away from the self and toward God.

Restoring the Gesture
The restoration of this rubric is not optional for those seeking to recover Catholic identity. It is part of the broader re-sacralization that must occur in our churches, our liturgies, and our hearts. Catechists, priests, and bishops must teach it anew—not only as a liturgical directive, but as a personal act of worship.

Let the recovery begin with us. Every time we enter a church where Christ is truly present, let us bend the knee with reverence and love. Not out of nostalgia, but out of fidelity to the living Christ.

“At the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of those that are in heaven, on earth, and under the earth” (Phil. 2:10). 🔝

¹ General Instruction of the Roman Missal, §274.
² Ritus Servandus in Celebratione Missae, VI.4 (Missale Romanum, 1962).
³ Ceremonial of Bishops, §71 (1983 English edition).
⁴ Caeremoniale Episcoporum, Lib. I, cap. 12, n. 83 (1600 edition).
⁵ See Pope Benedict XVI, Sacramentum Caritatis, §69, where he emphasizes the central placement of the tabernacle as a sign of Eucharistic faith.


Spiritual Reflection for the Feast of Our Lady of Mount Carmel

“Behold your mother.” (John 19:27)
On the heights of Mount Carmel, the prophet Elijah once took refuge, prayed for rain, and beheld the cloud that prefigured the Virgin who would bear the Christ. Centuries later, hermits settled on that same mountain, seeking solitude not for its own sake, but to draw near to God through prayer, penance, and contemplation. It is in this spirit that we celebrate the Feast of Our Lady of Mount Carmel—not merely as a commemoration of a title or a vision, but as a summons to follow Mary on the narrow path that leads to the summit of divine love.

Mary of Carmel is not a distant figure clothed in romantic legend. She is the Virgin of silence and strength, of hiddenness and glory. She is the contemplative soul par excellence, whose gaze never wavered from the face of her Son—from the cradle to the Cross, and beyond the tomb to His heavenly throne. She teaches us that to love God is to watch, to wait, to ponder, to persevere. The heights of Mount Carmel are not geographical—they are spiritual. They are the high places of surrender, of purity of heart, of union with the Divine.

When she gave the scapular to St. Simon Stock, it was more than a sign of her protection in death. It was a mother’s garment, a mantle of commitment: a call to wear Christ, to follow Him with the same fidelity and interiority that marked her own life. The scapular, in its simplicity, says: “I belong to Mary, and through her, to Jesus.” It is a habit of the heart as much as of the shoulders.

Today, Our Lady of Mount Carmel stands before us not as a mere comfort, but as a challenge. She invites us to become like her—to ponder the Word, to live in the shadow of the Cross, to say fiat even when the cost is hidden. In a world loud with distractions and driven by pride, she remains the quiet teacher of humility, obedience, and contemplation.

She does not promise ease, but presence. She does not remove the Cross, but teaches us to carry it with grace. And she walks with us always, leading us from the valleys of sin to the mountain of divine union. On this feast, we are reminded: the heart of Carmel is not withdrawal from the world, but deeper immersion into the mystery of God. It is not escape, but encounter.

May we, clothed in her mantle, learn to love as she loved, pray as she prayed, and walk as she walked—all the way to the mountain where God reveals His glory.

Our Lady of Mount Carmel, Mother and Queen of contemplatives,
lead us by the narrow path of purity,
shield us in the hour of trial,
and bring us to the summit of holiness,
where Christ is all in all. Amen.
🔝



The Vatican’s War on the Latin Mass Was Never Mandated: The Lie Unravels

When Traditionis Custodes was issued in July 2021, it came with a startling claim: that bishops around the world had judged Pope Benedict XVI’s Summorum Pontificum a source of division and disharmony in the Church. Based on this, Pope Francis decreed that the Traditional Latin Mass should be severely restricted—many interpreted the document as a final blow against the living presence of Catholic liturgical tradition.

But four years later, that justification lies in ruins.

In July 2025, veteran Vatican journalist Diane Montagna published the very CDF report to which Pope Francis had referred in Traditionis Custodes—and it said the opposite. The bishops did not call for restriction. The CDF did not recommend suppression. The Church was misled.

The Buried Report: Peace, Not Division
The report, compiled in 2020 by the CDF’s Fourth Section (formerly Ecclesia Dei), was intended to assess global episcopal sentiment about the implementation of Summorum Pontificum. Its contents were never made public—until Montagna obtained and released them. Dated February 22, 2021 (the Feast of the Chair of St. Peter) and bearing protocol number 03/2020-ED, the report included statistical analyses, regional summaries, and direct quotations from bishops. It could not be more official.

And its conclusion was unequivocal:

“The majority of bishops who responded to the questionnaire stated that making legislative changes to Summorum Pontificum would cause more harm than good.”¹

Far from describing a Church torn by liturgical conflict, the bishops praised the pastoral fruits of the Traditional Latin Mass, which they associated with reverence, fidelity, and spiritual depth:

“The prevailing attitude among the faithful… is one of peace, faithfulness to the Church, and a desire to grow in holiness.”²

The report even documented that the older liturgy had improved the celebration of the Novus Ordo in some places, deepened vocations, and brought about conversions.

A False Justification Revealed
Yet Pope Francis, in his Apostolic Letter, claimed otherwise. Referring to the CDF consultation, he stated that the bishops’ responses had “preoccupied and saddened” him, and convinced him of the need to act:

“The results have been carefully considered… and persuade me of the need to intervene.”³

This contradiction lay dormant until the facts came to light.

The Vatican’s Pivot: “Confidential Reports” and Missing Documents
Faced with the CDF report’s publication, the Vatican could no longer rely on silence. During a press conference on July 3, 2025—convened for an entirely different topic—Archbishop Vittorio Francesco Viola, Secretary of the Dicastery for Divine Worship, was asked about Montagna’s publication. He deferred to Vatican spokesman Matteo Bruni, who read from a prepared statement:

“I do not confirm the authenticity of the texts that have been published, which presumably concern part of one of the documents on which the decision was based… Further documentation was later added… including other confidential reports resulting from additional consultations.”⁴

For the first time, the Vatican claimed there were other, secret reports that supposedly factored into the decision to suppress the Latin Mass. But Montagna immediately pointed out the glaring problem:

“If what Bruni says is true, why did Pope Francis not refer to those ‘additional documents’ in Traditionis Custodes, given that they presumably gave him the basis for his decision to abrogate Summorum Pontificum?”⁵

She added that the Vatican now bore the burden of proof: either publish the alleged reports, or admit that Traditionis Custodes was built on a false premise. As of this writing, no such reports have been released.

Andrea Grillo: From Triumph to Tantrum
One of the leading theological advocates of Traditionis Custodes, Andrea Grillo, reacted with panic. In a July 9 blog post, he denounced the leak as “partial and preconciliar,” and accused Montagna of sabotaging ecclesial trust. He maintained that the suppression of the Latin Mass was necessary for the Church to fully receive Vatican II.

But traditional commentators were quick to expose the incoherence. Rorate Caeli, in a widely shared editorial titled The Mad Hatter Liturgist, wrote:

“Grillo now finds himself forced to explain away the very bishops whose guidance he once invoked. His incoherence is as theatrical as his contempt for the faithful.”⁶

Msgr. Nicola Bux: “The Bishops Weren’t Responsible”
While ideologues tried to contain the fallout, one of the most respected voices in the Church brought clarity and calm. Monsignor Nicola Bux—former consultor to the CDF, close collaborator of Benedict XVI, and liturgical theologian—granted an in-depth interview in which he exposed the real authors of the war on tradition.

Speaking to La Bussola Quotidiana, Bux declared:

“The bishops of the world did not take a negative stance toward Summorum Pontificum. Those who were surprised included Benedict XVI himself, as Msgr. Gänswein’s memoir confirms.”⁷

He dismissed the claim that traditionalists lack a sense of communion with the Church:

“To attribute to the extraordinary rite a distorted sensus Ecclesiae is not correct… One could ask whether those attending the ordinary form truly adhere to the faith and morals of the Church.”⁸

Bux also underscored the ecumenical value of the ancient liturgy:

“If there is a rite that is very similar to the Byzantine rite, it is the Old Roman rite… When Summorum Pontificum came out, Patriarch Alexis II of Moscow praised Pope Benedict for recovering our common liturgical roots.”⁹

As for the effects of Traditionis Custodes, Bux was unsparing:

“It has not stopped the Latin Mass. Obedience may have slowed it, but the liturgical tradition flows like a river. Rejecting it will only estrange future generations from the Church.”¹⁰

He called on Pope Leo XIV to return to Benedict’s reform of the reform, to abandon the ideological suppression of tradition, and to let both rites “ferment” together as most bishops had advised:

“Let us replant the severed branches with the patience of charity.”¹¹

Pope Leo XIV: A Moment of Reckoning
The current pope now stands at a crossroads. With the facts exposed, the Vatican’s narrative has collapsed. If Pope Leo XIV desires to restore trust and unity, he must address the injustice at the heart of Traditionis Custodes.

Fr. Gerald Murray, canonist and commentator, put it plainly:

“A return to Benedict XVI’s liturgical peace would not be a political retreat—it would be an act of justice, based on the Church’s own data.”¹²

A European bishop, speaking anonymously to Nuntiatoria, said:

“We were told that the bishops supported the restrictions. We now know we were used.”

Conclusion: The Time for Truth Has Come
The narrative that justified the suppression of the Traditional Latin Mass has unraveled. The CDF report is real. The bishops did not call for a crackdown. The Pope’s own justification was, at best, mistaken—at worst, manipulated. And now, thanks to the courage of a few, the truth is public.

Grillo may rage, but the faithful now know: the tradition was not the problem. The lie was. 🔝

¹ CDF Report, Giudizio Complessivo, Feb. 22, 2021.
² Ibid.
³ Pope Francis, Traditionis Custodes, July 16, 2021.
⁴ Vatican Press Briefing, July 3, 2025.
⁵ Diane Montagna, Res Novae, July 10, 2025.
⁶ Rorate Caeli, The Mad Hatter Liturgist, July 10, 2025.
⁷ Msgr. Nicola Bux, Interview with La Bussola Quotidiana, July 2025.
⁸ Ibid.
⁹ Ibid.
¹⁰ Ibid.
¹¹ Ibid.
¹² Fr. Gerald Murray, The Arroyo Grande Show, July 10, 2025.


Pope Leo XIV’s Abuse Reforms: Structural Continuity, Survivor Demands, and the Weight of History

Pope Leo XIV has reaffirmed the Church’s commitment to eradicating abuse by declaring there should be “no tolerance of any kind” for abuse in Catholic institutions¹. The statement, read in Lima during a performance of a play about investigative journalist Paola Ugaz’s work on ecclesial abuse in Peru, signals an intention to uphold the Church’s recent efforts in transparency, safeguarding, and institutional reform². Yet this early phase of Leo XIV’s pontificate reveals a stark divide between institutional continuity and the rising tide of survivor demands for decisive, global change.

Leadership Transition and Institutional Continuity
At the heart of this renewed focus is Pope Leo’s appointment of Archbishop Thibault Verny as president of the Pontifical Commission for the Protection of Minors, succeeding Cardinal Sean O’Malley, who had held the post since its creation under Pope Francis in 2014³. Verny, formerly Bishop of Chambéry, has served on the Commission since 2022 and is known for his role in overhauling the French episcopate’s safeguarding practices following the devastating 2021 report estimating over 330,000 victims of clerical abuse since 1950 in France alone⁴.

Verny is widely regarded as a pastoral and pragmatic leader. As head of the French bishops’ child protection council, he oversaw third-party audits and worked to embed victim accompaniment into every diocesan structure⁵. Upon his appointment, Verny emphasised humility, collaboration with survivors, and a commitment to safeguarding as a permanent culture—not a temporary policy⁶. The Commission under his leadership aims to strengthen local safeguarding bodies while offering annual reports, global guidance, and support for those harmed by clergy or religious⁷.

This appointment suggests that Pope Leo is prioritising competence and continuity rather than sweeping changes in the Vatican’s safeguarding approach. Vatican observers note that, like his predecessor, Leo XIV seems to favour empowering local episcopal conferences and lay professionals to implement reforms that reflect cultural and legal particularities, while maintaining a unified moral vision of zero tolerance⁸.

Survivor Response: Words, Wounds, and the Need for Action
Reactions from abuse survivor groups have been mixed, ranging from cautious hope to deep scepticism. The Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP) released a public letter shortly after Leo’s election, expressing “grave concern” about the new pope’s record in handling abuse allegations during his time as bishop in both Chicago and Peru⁹. They accuse him of failing to remove known abusers and of favouring institutional protection over victim advocacy¹⁰.

In their statement, SNAP declared:

“The Church has no credibility to speak on children’s rights while it continues to shelter predators and shield bishops from accountability.”¹¹

At vigils held in Chicago—Leo’s hometown—survivors reiterated their longstanding demands: universal laicization of proven abusers, financial restitution to victims, public release of all diocesan files on abuse cases, and the establishment of a global survivors’ oversight body¹². While Verny’s appointment is broadly welcomed as a positive development, these groups insist that safeguarding policy must go beyond personnel. It must include clear canonical consequences for bishops who fail to act, and civil accountability for those complicit in coverups¹³.

Comparisons with Prior Popes
Pope Leo XIV inherits both the structures and shadows of his predecessors.

  • St. John Paul II first declared that clergy who abuse minors have “no place in the priesthood,” but institutional response under his papacy was widely criticised as delayed and insufficient¹⁴.
  • Benedict XVI took decisive disciplinary action—laicising hundreds of abusers—and made public apologies to victims¹⁵.
  • Francis, while building on Benedict’s groundwork, institutionalised safeguarding through the creation of the Pontifical Commission and high-profile summits, but faced criticism for inconsistency and for shielding certain bishops accused of negligence¹⁶.

Leo XIV, for now, presents himself as a pope of continuity. His praise of journalists, particularly those exposing corruption and abuse, marks a striking rhetorical shift. He stated:

“Wherever a journalist is silenced, the democratic soul of a nation is weakened.”¹⁷

But survivors point to his own history and urge him to turn rhetoric into canonical clarity. In their view, the global credibility of the Church depends not just on declarations, but on enforceable, universal policy.

Looking Forward: Will Zero Tolerance Be Codified?
The key question for Leo XIV’s pontificate is whether his “zero tolerance” stance will be translated into canon law and episcopal discipline. Survivor advocates argue that unless bishops who enable abuse are themselves removed, the crisis remains unresolved at its root.

Meanwhile, the Verny-led Commission is poised to advance its mission of healing, prevention, and cooperation with civil authorities. Verny’s own words may prove a guiding principle:

“Safeguarding is not a programme or department. It must be a conversion of the heart.”¹⁸

The faithful, survivors, and the world will be watching to see whether this conversion becomes a systemic renewal. 🔝

¹ Associated Press, Pope Leo XIV says there should be no tolerance for abuse of any kind in Catholic Church, 21 June 2025.
² Ibid.
³ AP News, Pope Leo XIV signals continuity on fighting abuse with new head of child protection board, 5 July 2025.
⁴ Ibid.
⁵ Vatican News, Pope appoints new president of Commission for the Protection of Minors, 5 July 2025.
⁶ Ibid.
⁷ Ibid.
⁸ Ground News composite coverage, Pope Leo XIV takes strong stance against abuse, July 2025.
⁹ People Magazine, Here’s Why Sex Abuse Survivor Organization Has ‘Grave Concern’ About Pope Leo XIV, 21 June 2025.
¹⁰ SNAP, Survivors respond to Pope Leo XIV’s election with grave concern, June 2025.
¹¹ Ibid.
¹² AP News, Survivors of clergy sexual abuse turn up calls for reforms from new pope’s American hometown, 21 June 2025.
¹³ Ibid.
¹⁴ John Paul II, Address to the Cardinals of the United States, 23 April 2002; see also Crisis Magazine retrospective, 2022.
¹⁵ Benedict XVI, Pastoral Letter to the Catholics of Ireland, 2010; Vatican records on laicizations, 2011–2012.
¹⁶ Vatican News, 2019 Meeting on the Protection of Minors in the Church; National Catholic Reporter, analysis of bishop accountability under Pope Francis, 2023.
¹⁷ Associated Press, Pope Leo XIV says there should be no tolerance for abuse of any kind, op. cit.
¹⁸ Vatican News, Interview with Archbishop Verny, July 2025.


Synodality: A Modernist Mechanism Disguised as Conciliar Continuity

The Vatican’s recently released Pathways for the Implementation Phase of the Synod 2025–2028 offers further confirmation that synodality, far from being a rediscovery of ancient ecclesial practice, functions today as a modernist tool for continual structural reform, doctrinal ambiguity, and ideological accommodation. Despite claims to embody the vision of Vatican II, the process reveals more about postconciliar agendas than it does about the actual intentions of the Conciliar Fathers.

Modernism in Pastoral Drag
Synodality, as currently promoted, exhibits all the features identified and condemned by Pope St. Pius X in Pascendi Dominici Gregis (1907), especially the idea that doctrine evolves through lived experience and that Church structures must be shaped by contemporary needs rather than divine constitution¹. The Synod documents habitually substitute theological clarity with pastoral euphemisms, such as “the exchange of gifts,” “missionary fruitfulness,” and “journeying together.” These terms have no precise doctrinal content; rather, they signal fluidity and inclusivity, not truth and authority.

This linguistic ambiguity is not accidental. Pope Pius VI condemned similar “indeterminate expressions” during the Synod of Pistoia, warning that they enable heterodox ideas to be smuggled into official discourse². Likewise, modern synodal language often avoids direct contradiction of dogma, instead displacing it with an impression of openness, while undermining clarity and certainty in belief.

Did Vatican II Intend This?
Sister Nathalie Becquart’s claim that “Synodality is the Second Vatican Council in a nutshell” misrepresents the Council’s ecclesiology. Nowhere in Lumen Gentium, Christus Dominus, or Sacrosanctum Concilium is the Church presented as a permanently deliberative body whose identity is found in process. The Council affirms hierarchical authority, apostolic succession, and the teaching office of bishops in communion with the Roman Pontiff³.

The term “synodality” does not even appear in the texts of Vatican II. The Council’s actual concern was the proper relationship between the pope and bishops (collegiality), not the devolution of governance to local listening sessions or the democratization of magisterial teaching⁴. While Lumen Gentium emphasizes the role of the laity in the life of the Church (cf. LG §31–33), it never suggests that lay consultation replaces teaching authority. As Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger explained, collegiality is not a power-sharing arrangement, but a manifestation of hierarchical communion grounded in sacramental ontology⁵.

A Hijacked Council
The current synodal process is best understood as an ideological appropriation of the Council, not its faithful continuation. As Cardinal Walter Brandmüller observed during the Amazon Synod:

“The term synodality is being used to imply a shift in ecclesiology, from the hierarchical-sacramental structure willed by Christ to a democratic model drawn from secular governance.”⁶

Indeed, many of the most vocal promoters of synodality advocate for doctrinal and moral changes that Vatican II explicitly avoided: women’s ordination, same-sex blessings, and sacramental participation for those in irregular unions. These are not expressions of the sensus fidelium, but examples of modernist activism leveraging institutional structures to reshape the Church in the image of the world⁷.

A Church in Perpetual Process or a Church of Eternal Truth?
As Joseph Ratzinger warned in his 1982 Theologische Prinzipienlehre, the Church must resist the temptation to identify herself with the zeitgeist or with “structures of dialogue” that become ends in themselves⁸. The Church is not a discursive community. She is the Mystical Body of Christ, entrusted with preserving and transmitting the deposit of faith (depositum fidei) “whole and entire” (cf. Dei Verbum §10).

Synodality, when severed from apostolic tradition and the clarity of dogmatic teaching, becomes an ecclesiology of infinite deferral—a refusal to declare, to define, to bind. The resulting confusion, far from expressing the “missionary dynamism” invoked by the Synod’s architects, fosters paralysis, division, and drift.

If synodality is to have any genuine place in Catholic life, it must be purified of its modernist accretions and reintegrated into the true ecclesial framework: hierarchical, sacramental, apostolic, and defined by the obedience of faith. Until then, it will continue to function as a slogan in search of a Church. 🔝

¹ Pope St. Pius X, Pascendi Dominici Gregis (1907), §§12–13, condemns the modernist conception of doctrine evolving from subjective experience rather than objective revelation.
² Pope Pius VI, Auctorem Fidei (1794), condemns the use of “indeterminate expressions” to insinuate error without direct contradiction of defined doctrine (n. 33).
³ Lumen Gentium §20–27 affirms the divine institution of the episcopate, the hierarchical structure of the Church, and the unique role of the Roman Pontiff. See also Christus Dominus §2 and §6.
⁴ The term synodality appears nowhere in the conciliar documents. Its postconciliar use has been shaped by theological schools influenced by Karl Rahner, Yves Congar, and the Bologna school—each of whom promoted a more democratic or participatory ecclesiology.
⁵ Joseph Ratzinger, The Ratzinger Report (1985), p. 59. He warns against confusing episcopal collegiality with parliamentary models, reaffirming that bishops govern by divine right, not by popular mandate.
⁶ Cardinal Walter Brandmüller, Intervention at the Synod on the Amazon, October 2019.
⁷ See Archbishop Héctor Aguer, “Synodality and the Risk of a Democratic Church,” InfoCatólica, May 2024: “To confuse synodality with democratic practice leads to the ruin of doctrine, because truth is no longer received, but constructed.”
⁸ Joseph Ratzinger, Principles of Catholic Theology (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1987), p. 389. He criticizes the tendency to transform the Church into a “discussion society” and warns of “perpetual reform” as a substitute for fidelity.


Not the Mass He Died For
On the tragic irony of commemorating St Thomas Becket with a rite he would not recognise as Catholic

The July 7th offering of a Catholic Mass in Canterbury Cathedral, in honour of the Feast of the Translation of St Thomas Becket, has been heralded as a historic and healing gesture. For the first time in centuries, a papal representative—Archbishop Miguel Maury Buendía, the Apostolic Nuncio—offered the Eucharist in the very sanctuary where Becket once served and was slain. The symbolism was powerful. And yet, beneath the surface of this apparent triumph of ecumenism lies a tragic irony: the rite offered bore little resemblance to the Catholic Faith that Becket lived for, served, and ultimately died to defend.

This is not a quarrel over Latin or incense, chant or vesture. It is not primarily a matter of aesthetics or nostalgia. The heart of the matter is this: the modern liturgy used to honour Becket—formally valid though it may be—does not reflect the sacrificial, hierarchical, and transcendent character of the very Church and liturgy Becket gave his life for. It does not convey the same vision of priesthood, altar, or ecclesial authority. It is a ritual shaped by the spirit of accommodation rather than the spirit of martyrdom. And the most sobering irony of all? It is virtually indistinguishable from the Protestant communion services now routinely offered by the Anglican canons of Canterbury Cathedral.

That a Catholic Mass would return to Canterbury is, in one sense, an historic victory. But what kind of Mass? And what theology of Church and Sacrifice does it now communicate? The rite celebrated on July 7th was the Novus Ordo Missae—the form promulgated by Pope Paul VI in 1969 following the Second Vatican Council. Its architects, most notably Archbishop Annibale Bugnini, aimed explicitly to reshape the liturgy to appeal to Protestant sensibilities. “We must strip from our Catholic prayers and from the Catholic liturgy everything which can be the shadow of a stumbling block for our separated brethren,” Bugnini reportedly said, “that is, for the Protestants”¹. Whether one quibbles with the exact phrasing, the ecumenical intention behind the reform is undisputed².

The result was a liturgy more focused on horizontal fellowship than vertical adoration, more anthropocentric than theocentric, more didactic than sacrificial. Gone were the ancient offertory prayers that emphasised propitiation. Gone was the orienting posture of priest and people facing God together. Gone was the unambiguous presentation of the Mass as a true and efficacious Sacrifice for sins. These were not minor alterations in tone or form—they were substantial shifts in theology, made manifest ritually.

St Thomas Becket would not have recognised this rite as the Mass. It is not simply that it is said in the vernacular or with simplified ceremony. It is that it no longer conveys the theological reality to which he gave his allegiance, even unto death. Becket resisted King Henry II’s attempt to subjugate the Church to the crown, insisting that the Church was not the servant of the state but the mystical Body of Christ, governed by apostolic authority, and centred on the Sacrifice of the Mass. His was a faith formed by the Latin Fathers, lived out in the rhythm of the Roman Rite, and sealed in the witness of blood.

In a sorrowful parallel, St Thomas More would later defy another monarch, Henry VIII, who not only sought to control the Church but severed her from Rome altogether. Henry VIII divorced the Church to divorce his wife; Becket’s king merely sought to instrumentalise her. But in both cases, the two Thomases gave their lives rather than betray the integrity and liberty of the Church, and the sacramental order that sustained her.

How, then, can it be fitting to commemorate Becket with a rite that arose not from the faithful organic development of tradition, but from the deliberate rupture of it? A rite that mirrors in form and content the very services offered each Sunday by the Anglican canons of Canterbury, whose institution is itself the fruit of the very schism that Becket’s blood now rebukes?

We are not speaking here of illicit or invalid sacraments, nor denying the intentions of those who celebrate them. But we must be honest: the reform of the liturgy was undertaken with a view to reconciliation—not with the Tradition, but with those who rejected it. And thus we arrive at the spectacle of a martyr for Catholic orthodoxy being honoured with a rite engineered to obscure the very truths he died to defend.

That is not reconciliation. It is erasure.

The true way to honour St Thomas Becket is not merely to invoke his name at a commemorative event, but to worship as he worshipped, to believe as he believed, and to defend the Faith with the same fearless resolve. It is not enough to bring a papal nuncio to Canterbury. We must bring the Catholic Mass. Not just a Mass with the name, but the Mass in substance—the Roman Rite as it organically developed, faithful to the theology of the Fathers, the witness of the martyrs, and the unbroken tradition of the Church.

If Becket were alive today, would he have joined in the celebration of a rite so indistinguishable from the Protestant services that followed the Reformation? Or would he, as he did in his own age, have drawn a line in the sand and stood upon it, no matter the cost?

Until that question is answered with integrity, such commemorations, however moving in appearance, remain a tragic inversion: the martyr’s altar eclipsed by the very compromise his life refutes. 🔝

¹ Quoted in Jean Guitton, Paul VI secret (Éditions du Centurion, 1979); also reported in L’Osservatore Romano, 19 March 1965. See Michael Davies, Pope Paul’s New Mass (Angelus Press, 1980), pp. 463–465; Yves Chiron, Annibale Bugnini: Reformer of the Liturgy (Angelico Press, 2018), ch. 6.
² Fr. Louis Bouyer, Memoirs (Ignatius Press, 2015), pp. 222–226: “They transformed the Roman rite into a banal, on-the-spot fabrication.” Bouyer, though involved in the reform, later sharply criticised its theological and ritual incoherence.
³ Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani and Cardinal Antonio Bacci, A Short Critical Study of the New Order of Mass (1969), known as the Ottaviani Intervention.
⁴ Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, Vol. XIII, Feast of St Thomas Becket.
⁵ Pope Alexander III, Epistolae et Decreta, on the canonisation of Becket and his defence of the Church’s liberty.
⁶ Adrian Fortescue, The Mass: A Study of the Roman Liturgy (1912), pp. 214–220.
⁷ Benedict XVI (Joseph Ratzinger), The Spirit of the Liturgy (Ignatius Press, 2000), esp. pp. 78–83.
⁸ Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre, An Open Letter to Confused Catholics (1986): “The new rites have been protestantised. They no longer express clearly the truths of the Catholic faith.”


Fear of the State or Fear of God?
U.S. Bishops Dispense Mass Obligation for Illegal Immigrants

Two American Catholic dioceses—San Bernardino, California, and Nashville, Tennessee—have issued rare decrees excusing Catholics from the Sunday obligation to attend Mass if they fear arrest by immigration authorities. The dispensations apply specifically to migrants concerned about U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) activity near parishes, and have sparked growing controversy both within and beyond the Church. From a traditional Catholic perspective, the move raises serious theological, moral, and ecclesiological concerns.

A Response to Enforcement or a Retreat from Witness?
Bishop Alberto Rojas of San Bernardino—one of the largest dioceses in the United States—declared that any Catholic experiencing “genuine fear” of immigration enforcement could consider themselves excused from attending Sunday Mass. The decree, co-signed by Vicar General Gerard M. Lopez, was described as a pastoral response:

“In issuing this decree, I’m guided by the Church’s mission to care for the spiritual welfare of all entrusted under my care, particularly those who face fear or hardship.”¹

The Diocese of Nashville implemented a similar policy in May, citing a noticeable decline in attendance at Spanish-language Masses following local ICE activity. “No Catholic is obligated to attend Mass on Sunday if doing so puts their safety at risk,” the statement read.²

While both dioceses insisted that churches remain open and welcoming, the implication is clear: for some Catholics, the threat of state enforcement now outweighs the obligation to render worship to God.

Undermining the Sunday Precept
From the perspective of Catholic tradition, this is no small matter. The Third Commandment and the precept of the Church bind the faithful—under pain of mortal sin—to attend Mass on Sundays and Holy Days of Obligation, unless prevented by grave cause such as illness or physical impossibility.³

By introducing the subjective and elastic category of “fear,” these dispensations risk reducing divine law to pastoral discretion. In effect, they subordinate the worship due to Almighty God to state power and emotional anxiety. This is precisely the kind of pastoral relativism that traditional Catholics have long warned against: a model in which the supernatural is continually displaced by socio-political concerns.

Fr. James Martin, SJ, himself no traditionalist, observed that the decree was “a dramatic sign that not even Catholic churches are considered safe places any longer,” adding,

“Where are the voices for religious freedom now?”⁴

His comment unintentionally exposes the failure of a Church leadership that has often been louder on immigration than on liturgical or moral fidelity to the faith.

Is the Church Protecting Those in Mortal Sin?
The only individuals likely to fear ICE activity at church are those in the country illegally. While the Church rightly distinguishes between sin and criminality, and acknowledges the hardships driving many to emigrate, Catholic moral theology has never endorsed the deliberate violation of just civil laws.

As St. Paul teaches in Romans 13:1–7, lawful authority is ordained by God for the preservation of order and justice.⁵ While prudence and charity call for the humane treatment of migrants, the Church cannot appear to canonise lawbreaking or conflate sanctuary with impunity.

By issuing dispensations framed around the presumed illegality of parishioners, these dioceses risk giving the impression that unlawful presence is being pastorally affirmed—or worse, that the Church is aligning itself with ideological opposition to immigration enforcement, rather than maintaining supernatural detachment from the affairs of Caesar.

Sanctuary Breached and Symbolism Surrendered
Traditionally, Catholic churches were considered places of immunity from secular intrusion, with centuries of practice and law reinforcing the sanctity of sacred space. The idea that ICE might arrest someone during Mass should provoke righteous indignation from bishops—not pre-emptive dispensations that cede moral ground before the state.

This capitulation suggests not pastoral courage, but institutional fear—fear of optics, litigation, and political disapproval. It also raises the question: would the same urgency be shown to Catholics afraid of attending Mass due to gender ideology in schools, COVID mandates, or surveillance by federal agencies targeting traditional Catholics as “extremists”?⁶

Inconsistency in applying dispensations signals not universality of principle, but ideological selectivity.

The Traditional Catholic Response
The Catholic Church’s first duty is not to preserve comfort or avoid controversy, but to save souls. A faithful response would uphold both truth and charity:

  • Call the faithful to Mass, encouraging trust in Divine Providence even in the face of adversity.
  • Support immigrants in regularising their status through moral and lawful means, without encouraging evasion.
  • Reassert the sanctity of sacred space, resisting unjust state interference not by retreat, but by witness.
  • Offer dispensations only in truly grave, immediate cases, not as blanket policies rooted in political fears.

Above all, the Church must restore confidence that grace is worth the risk—that the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass is not optional, not negotiable, and not contingent on political conditions.

Conclusion
This episode is not merely a response to immigration enforcement—it is a symptom of a Church that has become far too comfortable thinking in the categories of the world. The bishops of San Bernardino and Nashville may claim pastoral concern, but in doing so, they risk proclaiming a dangerous message: that temporal fear excuses spiritual neglect.

When the faithful are taught to stay home rather than come to the altar of God, the sanctuary has already been breached—not by ICE, but by a loss of supernatural faith.

“Fear not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul” (Matthew 10:28). The Church’s duty is not to comfort the fearful, but to form the courageous. Anything less is a betrayal of her Lord. 🔝

¹ Diocese of San Bernardino statement, July 2025.
² Diocese of Nashville press release, May 2025.
³ Catechism of the Catholic Church, 2180–2181; 1917 Code of Canon Law, can. 1247.
⁴ Fr. James Martin, SJ, statement on X (formerly Twitter), July 2025.
⁵ Romans 13:1–7; cf. Summa Theologiae, II-II, q. 104, a. 5.
⁶ See FBI internal memo on “radical-traditionalist Catholic” threats (2023); USCCB silence during state closure of churches during COVID.


The U.S. Bishops and Political Endorsements

The United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) has reaffirmed its longstanding position of abstaining from political candidate endorsements, despite a recent IRS policy shift permitting religious nonprofits to do so without risking their tax-exempt status. The bishops’ decision continues a post-Second Vatican Council approach to political neutrality, ostensibly aimed at protecting the Church’s prophetic voice in public life. But from a traditional Catholic perspective, the news raises deeper questions about whether neutrality has too often translated into moral equivocation or strategic timidity.

Neutrality or Abdication?
USCCB spokesperson Chieko Noguchi clarified: “The Church seeks to help Catholics form their conscience in the Gospel so they might discern which candidates and policies would advance the common good. The Catholic Church maintains its stance of not endorsing or opposing political candidates.”¹

In theory, this reflects a legitimate pastoral strategy: forming consciences rather than substituting for them. In practice, however, many traditional Catholics view the USCCB’s implementation of this principle as inconsistent and overly deferential to liberal democratic norms. The Church has never been politically partisan — but it has always been doctrinally authoritative, especially on non-negotiables like the sanctity of life, the nature of marriage, and the immutable law of God.

Selective Political Pronouncements
While refraining from candidate endorsements, the bishops have not hesitated to issue statements on particular policies. Archbishop Timothy Broglio, president of the USCCB, recently criticized a Republican budget bill for cuts to Medicaid and climate provisions, while also lamenting its insufficient action against Planned Parenthood and gender ideology.² This mix of left- and right-leaning critiques underscores the conference’s attempt to avoid party alignment, but it also reveals the fragmentation within the episcopate itself — not over prudential matters, but over the hierarchy of moral truths.

Some traditional Catholics have noted with concern that public condemnations of grave intrinsic evils such as abortion or transgender surgeries are often couched in bureaucratic language or balanced with commentary on immigration and climate change. This parity-of-emphasis approach blurs the moral clarity needed in a culture of confusion.

The Seal of Confession and Religious Liberty
Perhaps more unifying for Catholics across the spectrum is the ongoing legal battle in Washington State, where priests face the prospect of being compelled by law to violate the sacramental seal of confession in abuse investigations. Here the bishops, alongside the Trump administration, have mounted a defense of religious liberty.³ Their opposition is both principled and constitutional, grounded in the clear teaching of the Church that the seal is inviolable — even unto martyrdom.

Yet this situation also reveals a broader irony. The modern state has moved from tolerating religion to regulating it, and from regulating it to attempting to redefine or override its most sacred prerogatives. The bishops’ careful neutrality in elections has not prevented this encroachment; arguably, it has emboldened it.

Catholics Divided
Pew Research data reveal the ongoing political split among American Catholics: 49% lean Republican, 44% Democrat.⁴ Among white Catholics, a majority support the GOP, while Hispanic Catholics lean Democrat. This demographic division is not simply cultural — it reflects the theological ambiguity in the Church’s public voice. If bishops speak with equal weight on carbon emissions and child dismemberment, Catholics will rightly conclude that voting is a matter of personal taste rather than moral obligation.

Moreover, Catholic politicians like JD Vance and Marco Rubio are openly at odds with the bishops on issues such as immigration, advocating for policies they believe prioritize national cohesion and the rule of law. Vance has even cited ordo amoris, the Catholic ordering of loves, to justify strong border controls — a move that drew criticism from Pope Francis prior to his death.⁵

The Role of the Church in a Disintegrating Culture
Under Pope Leo XIV, who has not yet commented on the Trump-era deportation program, the Vatican continues its pro-immigration stance, though observers note a rhetorical shift compared to Francis. Still, traditional Catholics increasingly question whether the Church’s political neutrality has become a cover for avoiding prophetic confrontation with moral depravity — particularly in a society that now debates whether unborn children deserve personhood and whether men can become women.

The Old Roman Apostolate holds that while the Church must remain free of partisan entanglement, it cannot be silent when governments promote intrinsic evils. A refusal to endorse candidates is not the same as a refusal to condemn sin or to uphold the reign of Christ the King. In this hour, neutrality is not enough. 🔝

¹ Statement by Chieko Noguchi, USCCB, July 2025.
² Archbishop Timothy Broglio, USCCB Statement on Budget Priorities, June 2025.
³ Washington State Confession Law, legal filings and commentary, June 2025.
⁴ Pew Research Center, U.S. Religiosity and Political Affiliation Report, February 2025.
⁵ Pope Francis remarks on JD Vance, L’Osservatore Romano, February 2025.


A schedule for the week of April 5, 2025, detailing liturgical events, feasts, and notable observances.


Filipino Bishops Denounce Online Gambling as ‘Moral Plague’ and Call for Nationwide Ban

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) has issued a stark and urgent appeal to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and his government: ban all forms of online gambling. The bishops’ July 9 statement, released at the conclusion of their 130th plenary assembly, described the growing online gambling industry as a “new plague or virus… destroying individuals, families, and society.”

Cardinal Pablo Virgilio David, Archbishop of Kalookan and President of the CBCP, warned that online gambling is no longer an innocent pastime but has become “a deep and pervasive moral problem, hidden in the guise of entertainment and technology.” He further condemned its seductive design, particularly its targeting of youth and the poor, calling it “a clear form of slavery” that deadens the conscience and fosters addiction.

Notably, the bishops issued their statement in Filipino rather than English—a pastoral gesture aimed at directly reaching the country’s most economically vulnerable, who are also most at risk of gambling exploitation.

A Clear Catholic Position
In citing the Catechism of the Catholic Church (CCC 2413), Cardinal David reaffirmed that gambling is morally unacceptable when it deprives one of the means needed for daily life or becomes addictive. Although the Church does not condemn games of chance per se, it draws a firm line where gambling “enslaves” rather than entertains.

That threshold, in the bishops’ judgment, has long since been crossed. In 2024 alone, online gambling in the Philippines reportedly generated ₱154 billion (approximately $2.73 billion USD), marking a 165% increase from the previous year. This explosive growth, they argue, reflects not success but complicity: “Why do many in the media, the government, and the business world seem to be silent? Could it be because many of them are also benefiting from it?” Cardinal David asked.

The bishops’ accusation is not merely rhetorical. They raise a profound moral and political question: can a government be considered just if it profits from its people’s degradation?

Silence and Complicity—Even Within the Church
In a striking moment of self-examination, the bishops also acknowledged that the Church itself has often been silent. The statement urges parishes not only to speak out, but to accompany those enslaved by gambling addiction with concrete acts of mercy, including support groups, pastoral counselling, and catechesis on stewardship, virtue, and human dignity.

It is worth recalling that the Philippine hierarchy has a history of moral leadership on this issue. In 2001, the late Cardinal Jaime Sin denounced then-President Joseph Estrada over gambling-linked corruption, contributing to the People Power uprising that removed him from office. The present crisis, however, is more insidious. There are no obvious figures of scandal—only an invisible, digital industry that profits by atomizing society and dulling the spiritual life of the nation.

Not a ‘Right’ but a Vice
Cardinal David also rebuked the misuse of “human rights” language to justify gambling: “Even if this type of entertainment is recognized as part of ‘human rights,’ it still does not mean that it is right, especially when it causes the destruction of many.” Here, the bishops confront a growing global trend that disguises vice as liberty, and indulgence as self-expression.

The distinction is critical. True freedom is not the license to destroy oneself, but the ability to live in accordance with truth and virtue. Gambling, when weaponized through addictive design and financial desperation, is not an exercise of freedom but a form of digital bondage.

Implications for Catholic Governance and Witness
The call for a ban on online gambling will test both the political and ecclesial will of the Philippines. For the Marcos administration, the question is whether it will heed the moral voice of the nation’s religious majority or continue to allow the digital exploitation of the poor in exchange for revenue.

For the Church, the challenge is to match public denunciation with pastoral action. Cardinal David’s charge to parishes to become “active in helping individuals and families affected by gambling” is a vital reminder that charity must follow prophecy. Otherwise, the Church risks becoming yet another voice of outrage, rather than a beacon of liberation.

In a time when addiction, isolation, and disillusionment threaten the foundations of Filipino social life, the bishops’ stance is a rare example of moral clarity. Whether it will be matched by civil courage remains to be seen. 🔝

¹ Catechism of the Catholic Church, §2413: “Games of chance or wagers are not in themselves contrary to justice. They become morally unacceptable when they deprive someone of what is necessary to provide for his needs and those of others.”
² CBCP Plenary Statement, July 9, 2025. Statement issued in Filipino, translated and reported by CBCP News and Crux.
³ David, P. V., Chrism Mass Homily, March 2025; quoted in CBCP statement, July 2025.
⁴ Online gambling revenue figures from CBCP statement citing Philippine government statistics.
⁵ Historical context: The role of Cardinal Sin in the 2001 People Power Revolution is well documented, e.g., see Philippine Daily Inquirer, January 2001.


Filipino Bishops Denounce Inaction Over Duterte Impeachment—but Stop Short of Full Moral Clarity

In a pointed and unusually forthright pastoral letter issued at the close of their 130th plenary assembly, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) denounced what they described as “moral indifference” surrounding the Senate’s delay in acting on the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte. The daughter of former President Rodrigo Duterte faces serious charges of embezzlement and conspiracy to assassinate President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.—charges which, under normal circumstances, should have already prompted a Senate trial.

That such proceedings have stalled is, according to the CBCP, a matter not only of political failure but of moral gravity. “We affirm that impeachment, when pursued with truth and justice, is a legitimate democratic mechanism for transparency and accountability in governance,” declared the bishops in their letter dated 9 July, signed by Cardinal Pablo Virgilio David of Kalookan, a longtime critic of the Duterte administration¹.

While the bishops stopped short of calling for specific political action, their words carried moral weight: “We call our faithful to combat moral indifference, listen to all sides with openness, and foster a culture of engaged citizenship rooted in our Christian faith”².

This appeal, commendable in its demand for responsibility and civic virtue, reflects essential aspects of traditional Catholic social teaching—especially the duties of rulers to uphold justice and the obligation of citizens to resist corruption. As St. Thomas Aquinas noted, unjust rulers may be resisted within the bounds of law and reason, for civil authority exists to serve the common good, not the private interest³.

Yet while the CBCP’s desire for transparency aligns with the Church’s perennial demand for justice, their framing of the issue within postconciliar themes—dialogue, pluralism, and democratic process—exposes a deeper tension between modern ecclesial rhetoric and traditional Catholic clarity.

Selective Emphases and the Absence of Christ the King
From a traditional Catholic perspective, the letter’s moral exhortations—however sincere—are weakened by the lack of any explicit invocation of Christ’s Kingship over political life. The bishops appeal to justice, truth, and solidarity, yet do not name the divine source of these goods. Where Pope Pius XI’s Quas Primas called nations to recognize the authority of Christ over their laws and institutions⁴, the CBCP appeals instead to a generic humanism and civic engagement. Without reference to the Social Kingship of Christ, moral appeals risk becoming abstract, fragile, and easily co-opted by secular ideologies.

Moreover, the bishops’ boldness on this particular case contrasts with their historically muted response to other grave moral issues in Philippine society. While corruption is rightly condemned, traditional Catholics might ask: where is the equivalent clarity on issues such as contraception, abortion, and the ideological infiltration of Catholic institutions by gender theory and Western-funded NGOs? When the bishops speak of “engaged citizenship,” they must also speak of Catholic conscience, formed in truth, not simply participation in pluralist structures.

On Gaza, War, and the Hierarchy of Moral Priorities
The CBCP’s appeal for peace in Gaza reflects a sincere pastoral concern and draws upon the Catholic tradition of just war theory, which forbids the deliberate targeting of civilians and insists that warfare must be proportionate and discriminate. Their condemnation of the “weaponization of starvation” and call for humanitarian aid to reach all civilians is, in itself, a morally sound principle. However, the suggestion—whether explicit or implied—that the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) are systematically obstructing aid as a tool of war lacks substantiation and fails to reflect the complex reality on the ground.

There is no verified evidence that the IDF has deliberately “weaponized” humanitarian aid distribution. On the contrary, multiple sources—ranging from UN officials to independent observers—have documented how Hamas systematically obstructs aid delivery, seizes food and medical supplies, and has even opened fire on Palestinian civilians queueing to receive assistance from Israeli convoys⁵. These acts amount to a secondary form of oppression, wherein the suffering of Gaza’s civilian population is exacerbated not only by the war but by the militant regime that claims to represent them.

By failing to name Hamas and its role in prolonging the suffering of Gazans, the CBCP risks contributing to a false moral equivalence that clouds the Church’s duty to uphold truth, justice, and the right order of moral responsibility. Traditional Catholic moral theology, as articulated by theologians like St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, insists on discernment in judgment—especially in matters of war⁶. As Pope Pius XII warned, compassion must not substitute for clarity, and peace efforts must be grounded in justice, not sentiment⁷.

A just and lasting peace cannot come through rhetorical symmetry, but through repentance, truth, and restoration of moral order. To that end, a properly Catholic appeal must not only condemn suffering, but identify the causes of suffering and name the agents of injustice—even when doing so is unpopular⁸.

Labor Rights and the Church’s Duty to Lead
One of the more praiseworthy aspects of the pastoral letter is the CBCP’s acknowledgment of unjust wages and the exploitation of workers in church institutions themselves. Echoing Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum, the bishops rightly insist that “justice begins at home” and that the Church must lead by example. Their appeal for just wages and security of tenure reflects authentic Catholic social teaching and deserves practical implementation⁹.

This is one of the few points in the letter where the bishops take clear moral responsibility as pastors and employers, not merely commentators on society.

A Call Worth Hearing—But Not Yet the Trumpet Blast We Need
The bishops’ concluding appeal—“to do justice, love goodness, and walk humbly with our God”—is rooted in Scripture and reflects genuine pastoral concern. Yet for many Filipino Catholics, especially those longing for the clarity and authority of the traditional Magisterium, the letter stops just short of the bold witness required in this moment. It decries injustice, but not error. It points to social evils, but not their spiritual root. It calls for peace, but not repentance. It urges action, but not conversion.

What is needed now is not only a prophetic denunciation of political corruption, but a full-throated proclamation of Christ the King—a reminder that no society can be just without being ordered to truth, and no truth stands apart from God’s Revelation. Until the bishops name the Lord of history, their call for justice may stir the conscience but fail to transform it. 🔝

¹ CBCP Pastoral Letter, 9 July 2025; Cardinal David has previously condemned extrajudicial killings during Duterte’s presidency in multiple homilies and public statements.
² Ibid.
³ St. Thomas Aquinas, De Regno ad Regem Cypri, Book I, ch. 13; see also Summa Theologiae, II–II, q. 42, a. 2, on sedition and legitimate resistance.
⁴ Pope Pius XI, Quas Primas (1925), §§17–19, 29.
⁵ United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) situation reports, March–June 2024; Times of Israel, Reuters, Wall Street Journal coverage of Hamas interference and violence at aid points (2023–2025).
⁶ St. Augustine, Contra Faustum, Book 22; St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II–II, q. 40.
⁷ Pope Pius XII, Summi Pontificatus (1939), §§38–40.
⁸ Cf. Gaudium et Spes, §16; Leo XIII, Libertas, §15; Pius X, Notre Charge Apostolique (1910).
⁹ CBCP Pastoral Letter, 9 July 2025; see also Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, §§19–23; Pius XI, Quadragesimo Anno, §§71–76.


A Placard, a Parade, and Eleven Police: The Arrest of Montgomery Toms

LONDON, 6 July 2025 — A peaceful protester was arrested, detained, and banned from the City of Westminster for wearing a sandwich board stating: “🏳️‍⚧️ = Mental Illness.” His name is Montgomery Toms, and his arrest — captured on video and corroborated by multiple sources — has become emblematic of Britain’s spiralling double standards in policing public speech.

The incident occurred during London’s Pride parade. But Toms, rather than marching in rainbow colours, stood silently on Piccadilly holding his sign — a protest inspired by Canadian activist “Billboard Chris,” who similarly walks public streets with messages opposing gender ideology. As Toms later stated to police, his intention was “to engage in conversation” and to advocate for “a community and society where people like me are entitled to have a different opinion without being marginalised by other groups.”

That hope was not fulfilled. Pride attendees confronted him, and shortly thereafter, Metropolitan Police officers approached. Video footage confirms that police warned Toms his placard could constitute an offence under the Public Order Act. When he refused to remove it, they led him away from the crowd and placed him under arrest. One officer read the formal caution: “You do not have to say anything, but it may harm your defence…” Toms was handcuffed, searched, and detained at Charing Cross Police Station for ten hours before being released on bail with conditions including a three-month ban from entering Westminster.

This was not conjecture or exaggeration. It was a formal arrest, as confirmed by bodycam-style footage and Toms’ own post-release statement. The charge was not violence, incitement, or obstruction. It was the display of a belief — one which, though offensive to some, remains protected under UK law as a philosophical position, especially after Forstater v CGD Europe clarified the legal standing of gender-critical views under the Equality Act 2010¹.

Legal Overreach and Ideological Policing
The arrest has sparked widespread criticism. Alan Miller, founder of the Together Declaration, denounced the event as a “blatant abuse of police power,” noting the surreal spectacle of eleven officers detaining one man with a sign. He condemned the growing use of public order laws to suppress dissent, especially when that dissent targets protected ideologies rather than minority groups.

The National Review ran the story under the headline: *“Displaying a Trans‑Critical Sign Gets a Man Arrested in the U.K.”*² — a title that reflects both the straightforward facts and the extraordinary inversion of liberal norms. Meanwhile, FOI data published in The Guardian reveals that such arrests are now part of a growing pattern: public order detentions in London have increased tenfold since 2019, while prosecution rates remain below 3%³. The result, critics argue, is a chilling effect — where arrest becomes a tool of intimidation, even when no crime is ultimately charged.

Douglas Murray: A Nation of Two-Tier Law
Among the most scathing responses came from commentator Douglas Murray, who dissected the case with caustic clarity. Writing in The Spectator, he described Toms’ placard as “not welcomed by the ‘Love is Love’ crowd,” noting that Pride, once the domain of marginalised voices, now seems to marginalise dissent in its own name.

Murray mocked the disproportionate police response:

“Had Toms shouted ‘Jihad, jihad, jihad’ or carried a sign saying ‘Slay the infidel’, he might have been waved along and wished a good day.”

He continued with biting irony:

“Another way to have avoided police attention would be for him to have stolen a bike or nicked a phone… Or better still, joined one of the country’s many grooming gangs. That way police forces across the land might leave him alone, and he wouldn’t come to the attention of most politicians for 20 years.”

Murray’s point — shared by many — is not merely about inconsistency, but ideological asymmetry. While far more inflammatory statements are tolerated from other quarters in the name of diversity or religion, expressions of concern about gender ideology are met with immediate force.

Toms himself raised the phrase “two-tier policing” as he was being arrested. Parliament, unsurprisingly, denies such a phenomenon exists. Lord Hermer, the current Attorney General, recently told the BBC that accusations of double standards are “disgusting” and should be silenced. But to many observers, Toms’ treatment illustrates precisely what the government refuses to admit: that British policing has become ideological, selective, and dangerously politicised.

A Sign of the Times
Montgomery Toms did not threaten, obstruct, or incite. He stood on a pavement with a message — controversial, yes, but consistent with the beliefs of countless doctors, parents, and Christians. His treatment signals that public space in Britain is no longer ideologically neutral. It belongs to those whose views are state-approved.

To defend freedom of speech is not to endorse every statement. It is to assert that unpopular opinions — especially those rooted in conscience or concern for children — must not be criminalised to maintain an illusion of harmony. If eleven police officers are required to suppress a sandwich board, the sign is not the threat. The regime is. 🔝

¹ Forstater v CGD Europe (2021): UK Employment Appeal Tribunal ruling affirming that gender-critical beliefs are protected under the Equality Act.
² National Review, “Displaying a Trans-Critical Sign Gets a Man Arrested in the U.K.”, 7 July 2025.
³ The Guardian, “Met Police accused of ‘assault on right to protest’ after tenfold rise in nuisance law arrests”, 3 July 2025.
⁴ Douglas Murray, The Spectator, “If Toms had shouted ‘Jihad’, the police would have let him go”, 10 July 2025.


The Modernist Error in Cardinal Goh’s “Adapting to Change”

Cardinal William Goh’s reflection of 5 July 2025, titled Adapting to Change, offers a seemingly pastoral meditation on the Gospel and the challenges of spiritual growth. But beneath the devotional tone lies a theological proposal that embodies the core error condemned by Pope St. Pius X in Pascendi Dominici Gregis: modernism—the synthesis of all heresies.

The Cardinal’s assertion that fidelity to the past requires change is not merely questionable; it is a textbook expression of the modernist mindset: that truth evolves, that doctrine must be adapted to modern man, and that religious expressions must be reinterpreted in light of contemporary consciousness.¹

Change as Principle, Not Exception
Cardinal Goh writes that “not changing is being unfaithful to our past,” and that even theological expression must “evolve” to remain communicable.² While he concedes that doctrine itself is immutable, he insists that theology is “always evolving,” and that truth must be re-expressed in ways “understandable to our audience.”³

This reveals the classic modernist error of historicism: the belief that truth must be reinterpreted according to the spirit of each age. The Church becomes, in this view, not the guardian of divine revelation, but a living organism whose teachings must mutate to remain culturally resonant.

Yet the Catholic Church has always taught the opposite. The deposit of faith is complete, perfect, and unchanging. While its formulation may become more precise, its meaning may never be altered.⁴ Any evolution in theology must be growth in clarity—not in content.

Liturgical Fluidity and Doctrinal Drift
Nowhere is Cardinal Goh’s modernist logic more evident than in his treatment of the Mass. He states that the celebration of the Eucharist “has been changing since the first Mass” and that such change must continue so that the Mass “remains faithful to its original meaning yet relevant to our times.”⁵

This claim distorts the nature of liturgical development. Organic development preserves continuity with the past; it unfolds naturally and reverently from the apostolic deposit. The modernist mentality, however, sees liturgy as a tool of communication, malleable to the needs of the age. The postconciliar liturgical reform, largely engineered in this spirit, bears the marks not of organic growth but of rupture.

It is not fidelity to change that safeguards tradition—it is fidelity to the unchanging. The Mass is not a cultural expression to be reshaped for every age. It is the Church’s highest act of worship: the re-presentation of Christ’s sacrifice, received and handed down—not reinvented.

The Myth of “Dynamic Fidelity”
Cardinal Goh’s central thesis rests on a theological fiction: that continuity demands change. But what he calls “dynamic fidelity” is a contradiction in terms. To change the expression of a dogma so thoroughly that its meaning is no longer the same is to change the dogma itself.

Pope St. Pius X warned that modernists “lay the axe not to the branches and shoots, but to the very root, that is to the faith and its deepest fibers.”⁶ They do this by introducing ambiguity—by separating doctrine from pastoral application, dogma from lived reality, truth from communication.

Cardinal Goh writes that if truth is not “re-expressed,” it risks becoming “redundant.”⁷ But truth is never redundant. It may be rejected, hated, ignored—but it remains true. The Church’s mission is not to find relevance but to proclaim the truth “in season and out of season” (2 Tim 4:2), whether it pleases modern man or not.

Secular Parallels: The Heresy of Innovation
The Cardinal’s reasoning finds an easy analogue in secular thought. Our age rejects fixed truths and inherited wisdom. In philosophy, education, medicine, and ethics, the very idea of a permanent human nature is denied. All is fluid. Progress is assumed to be inevitable and good.

This ideology leads to gender ideology, transhumanism, and euthanasia—all in the name of “evolving understanding.” In this light, Goh’s appeal to “be in sync with the times” is not merely theologically dangerous—it is culturally suicidal.⁸

When the Church adopts the language and logic of the world, she does not convert it—she is absorbed by it. The world changes constantly. Christ does not. “Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, today, and forever” (Heb 13:8). The Church’s task is not to mirror the age, but to sanctify it.

The Vincentian Remedy
St. Vincent of Lérins gave the enduring answer to the dilemma of change: “In the Catholic Church itself, all possible care must be taken that we hold that faith which has been believed everywhere, always, and by all.”⁹ This Commonitorium stands as a timeless refutation of modernist mutability.

Yes, development is possible. But it must be according to the same sense and the same judgment. It must be a flowering, not a mutation. The idea that truth must be adapted to survive is not Catholic—it is evolutionary theology, the death spiral of doctrine.

Conclusion: Modernism in Devotional Wrapping
Cardinal Goh’s Adapting to Change presents itself as a spiritual encouragement to trust God in moments of uncertainty. But it delivers, under cover of piety, a distinctly modernist theology. Its language is mild; its consequences are radical.

The modernist does not deny dogma outright. He reinterprets it. He affirms continuity while emptying tradition of its substance. He insists that nothing changes, while changing everything in practice. He speaks of the “new wine” of the Gospel, but pours it into wineskins crafted by the age.

The Church must not follow the path of secular decay. She must reject the illusion of relevance bought at the cost of truth. She must reject modernism not only in name but in logic, language, and liturgy. And she must remember that the most prophetic thing she can do in a collapsing world is remain faithful to what does not change. 🔝

¹ Cf. Pius X, Pascendi Dominici Gregis, 1907, §3.
² Cardinal William Goh, “Adapting to Change,” 5 July 2025.
³ Ibid.
⁴ Vatican I, Dei Filius, ch. 4; see also St. Vincent of Lérins, Commonitorium, ch. 23.
⁵ Goh, “Adapting to Change.”
⁶ Pascendi, §3.
⁷ Goh, “Adapting to Change.”
⁸ Ibid.
⁹ St. Vincent of Lérins, Commonitorium, ch. 2.


A gathering in a grand library featuring a diverse group of people, including clergy, scholars, and families, engaged in reading and discussions, with bookshelves filled with various books in the background, and a prominent logo reading 'FORUM' in the foreground.


Tradition and Vocations: The Future Is Rooted in the Past

An Old Roman Reflection on the Fruits of Fidelity
In a small parish community committed to the fullness of Catholic Tradition, a priestly vocation emerged in fewer than seven years—not through synodal campaigns or modern pastoral initiatives, but through the timeless and sanctifying power of the traditional Roman Rite.

The young man who discerned his call had once lived immersed in secularism and vice. His conversion came not through the sentimental liturgies or therapeutic homilies that dominate much of the contemporary Church, but through the objective encounter with the sacred in the traditional Latin Mass. Recognizing that his conversion had been mediated by Tradition, he sought to remain anchored in it—and the parish, offering daily traditional Mass and authentic spiritual discipline, gave him exactly that. Now, he advances through formation in a traditional religious order, prepared to live out the sacrificial priesthood of Jesus Christ.

This is no isolated case. Rather, it is a manifestation of what the Old Roman Apostolate has long affirmed: vocations flourish where Catholic faith, liturgy, and moral discipline are preserved without compromise or innovation.

Vocations in Crisis
Across much of the mainstream Latin Church, the crisis is acute. In 2024, the Archdiocese of New York—one of the largest and most historically influential in the United States—received only two seminary applicants.¹ Father George Sears, director of vocations, called it unprecedented. Meanwhile, the FSSP, ICKSP, and traditional Benedictine monasteries are turning away candidates for lack of space. Why the disparity?

The reason is as clear as it is uncomfortable: modern liturgy and doctrinal vagueness do not inspire sacrificial vocations. Young men called to imitate Christ the High Priest seek the clarity, reverence, and doctrinal solidity that is found in the Church’s perennial form. It is in unchanging Truth, not ephemeral adaptations, that they discover the strength to give their lives.

The Charlotte Example and the Cost of Innovation
The Diocese of Charlotte, long known for vocations and a sympathetic approach to tradition, has begun dismantling what had borne fruit. A leaked draft policy sought to eradicate anything resembling the preconciliar Roman Rite.² Four thriving Latin Mass communities were closed. What is this if not liturgical iconoclasm, packaged in the language of “unity”?

The response of the faithful has been predictable: anguish, migration, and resistance. This is not merely pastoral error—it is, as the ORA recognises, a repetition of the conciliar rupture, where bishops impose discontinuity in the name of aggiornamento. Many faithful, exhausted by decades of unstable ecclesial leadership, find themselves asking: To whom shall we go?

Continuity or Rupture: The Core Question
The false dichotomy between a “pre-Vatican II” and “post-Vatican II” Church has left generations spiritually impoverished. Pope Francis’ Traditionis Custodes was a juridical attempt to eliminate even the limited refuge provided under Summorum Pontificum.³ The banishment of the traditional Mass from parish life—unthinkable in centuries past—was rationalized as a move toward “unity.” But the ORA knows well that unity without truth is counterfeit.

The Novus Ordo itself was imposed by means of bureaucratic force. Archbishop Bugnini’s manipulation of both Pope Paul VI and the Consilium has been thoroughly documented.⁴ The claim that the new rite emerged from the Council Fathers is false; it was crafted in their absence, and often against their instincts. Paul VI’s reported tears at learning the Octave of Pentecost had been abolished speak volumes.⁵ Even Bugnini conceded that those attached to the old rite should be permitted to pray as their fathers had.⁶

A Generation That Seeks Holiness, Not Relevance
The recent Paris–Chartres pilgrimage, in which 19,000 young Catholics walked 90 kilometers in joyful penitence, testifies to where the future lies.⁷ The organizers confirmed that not a single priest accompanying the pilgrimage requested to offer the Novus Ordo.⁸ The youth are not looking for relevance or spectacle—they are seeking reverence, mystery, and unchanging truth.

These pilgrims are not “rigid” or reactionary. They are the fruits of a remnant Church, preserved despite decades of marginalization. And their growing numbers point to what the ORA has insisted for decades: fidelity begets fruitfulness.

Why Do the Shepherds Resist?
If the evidence is so clear, why is it ignored? Some bishops fear the reaction of their peers or the Holy See. Others remain ideologically committed to the failed experiment of liturgical modernism. The fate of figures like Cardinal Burke and Bishop Strickland—both sidelined for their defense of Tradition—reminds all who govern that the cost of fidelity can be exile.

This climate of fear and centralisation is precisely why the Old Roman Apostolate exists: to preserve and propagate the fullness of the Catholic faith in a time of confusion, while remaining canonically Catholic and seeking reconciliation under conditions of doctrinal integrity and liturgical continuity.

Vocations Require Stability
Traditional seminaries, including those served by the Old Roman bishops, continue to attract high-quality candidates. Their shared characteristic? A non-adversarial relationship with Catholic Tradition. Where faith, liturgy, and morals are taught as received from the Apostles—not reinvented by committees—men come forward.

This stands in contrast to the ethos of the “synodal Church,” where listening is touted but only to those who repeat pre-approved slogans. When the faithful cry out for the Roman Rite, they are met with silence. When they walk 90 kilometers to Chartres in the footsteps of their forefathers, bishops attempt to impose the Novus Ordo upon them.

The Pope, the Priesthood, and the Latin Tongue
Pope Leo XIV, though emerging from the postconciliar framework, has begun to signal awareness of the problem. His choice to pray in Latin, his appeals for mystery in worship, and his criticisms of spectacle stand as welcome gestures. The ORA regards these signals cautiously, but hopefully.

The Church needs more than gestures. She needs restoration—not only of rubrics and rites, but of clarity in teaching, the moral courage of her shepherds, and the integrity of her institutions.

The Child Shall Lead Them
The prophet Isaiah foresaw that “a little child shall lead them” (Isaiah 11:6). Today, the youth—young men kneeling before the tabernacle, young women walking barefoot in pilgrimage, families praying the Rosary in Latin—are leading the way back to sanity, sanctity, and Tradition.

Their message to the bishops is not one of rebellion but of filial love. They seek what the Church once offered freely: the full Catholic faith, the Mass of the Ages, and the path to sanctity.

The Old Roman Apostolate hears this call. It answers—not with innovation, but with apostolic fidelity. 🔝

  1. Arlington Herald, “Only two men applied to seminary last year,” June 4, 2025.
  2. Source: internal diocesan leak, reported June 2025.
  3. Traditionis Custodes, Pope Francis, July 16, 2021.
  4. Yves Chiron, Annibale Bugnini: Reformer of the Liturgy, Angelico Press, 2018.
  5. Ibid.
  6. Annibale Bugnini, The Reform of the Liturgy (1948–1975), Liturgical Press, 1990.
  7. Notre-Dame de Chrétienté, Chartres Pilgrimage Report, Pentecost 2025.
  8. Famille Chrétienne, interview with Philippe Darantière, June 4, 2025.

The Lords Must Act: A Final Bulwark Against the Culture of Death

The advance of the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill—commonly known as the Leadbeater Bill—through the House of Commons marks a grave moment in Britain’s moral and constitutional history. Passing by a mere 23-vote margin at its Third Reading on 20 June 2025, the Bill now faces scrutiny in the House of Lords. Lord Jackson of Peterborough has rightly called upon the upper chamber to exercise its constitutional and moral duty to halt a law that legalises suicide with medical complicity and frames it as compassion¹.

A Shaky Mandate, Not a National Consensus
The Bill’s supporters celebrated its narrow Commons victory, but such celebration rings hollow. Between Second and Third Reading, support dropped sharply, revealing deep discomfort even among MPs². Several senior Labour figures, including Deputy Leader Angela Rayner and Health Secretary Wes Streeting, withdrew support, citing concerns about safeguards, funding, and public trust³.

Despite this, Sir Keir Starmer personally voted in favour, and some MPs, notably Catholic ones, faced coercion and even sacramental consequences. The Times reported that at least one Catholic MP was denied Holy Communion, prompting accusations of a “witch hunt” from Liberal Democrat Chris Coogan⁴. But such consequences are not persecution—they are the natural outworking of moral theology: public support for grave sin invites public scandal, and the Church is obliged to withhold the Sacrament lest it be desecrated⁵.

The Role of the Lords: More Than a Procedural Brake
Lord Jackson emphasises that the Bill is not covered by the Salisbury Convention, meaning the Lords are not restrained from rejecting it outright⁶. The claim by Lord Falconer that it would be “unconstitutional” to do so is plainly false. As other commentators note, the Lords have both the legal right and historical precedent to block morally harmful legislation, especially when public and parliamentary consensus is absent⁷.

The purpose of the upper chamber is not simply to refine policy but to defend the moral fabric of the nation. When the Commons fails to uphold the natural law—by legalising what God forbids—the Lords must intervene. This is not obstruction; it is statesmanship.

False Compassion and the Slippery Slope
Supporters frame the Bill as narrow, limited, and compassionate. But these are the same arguments that were made in Canada before Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD) spiralled beyond terminal illness to include disability, mental illness, and even poverty⁸. Already, critics such as Philip Murray and Mark Elliott warn that the UK version lacks robust legal safeguards and opens the door to future broadening⁹.

Even now, the Bill exempts assisted deaths from automatic coroner inquests, meaning that no independent judicial review would be required before—or after—a person dies. Former Chief Coroner Thomas Teague KC has warned that without inquests, unlawful deaths could easily slip through the net¹⁰.

The notion that the right to die can be cleanly contained is a delusion. As Pope St. John Paul II declared, “euthanasia must be called a false mercy, and indeed a disturbing ‘perversion’ of mercy”¹¹. The push to medicalise death is not neutral—it undermines the Hippocratic oath, introduces coercion into end-of-life care, and teaches the vulnerable that their suffering renders them expendable.

Undermining Palliative Care and the Sanctity of Life
Another grave concern is the Bill’s lack of conscience protections for hospices and palliative care providers. There is no statutory opt-out, meaning that institutions grounded in religious or moral principle may face pressure to participate in assisted killing. This is not “choice”; it is coercion under the guise of healthcare reform¹².

As for financial costs, Health Secretary Wes Streeting has warned that setting up the administrative infrastructure would require up to £13.6 million annually, even as the NHS faces critical shortages and real suffering among those awaiting genuine care¹³.

This is the grim irony: the political class refuses to fund palliative services adequately, then offers death as a cheaper substitute for care. What is presented as “dignity in dying” amounts to the outsourcing of despair.

The Church’s Witness: Truth with Tears
The Church must speak with truth and tears. She must oppose this bill not with cruelty, but with clarity. The traditional teaching is unambiguous: human life is sacred from conception to natural death. No illness, no burden, no suffering removes that dignity.

In Evangelium Vitae, Pope John Paul II warned against societies that “cease to consider life as a sacred and inviolable gift” and instead judge it by “efficiency and usefulness.” Once this utilitarian logic takes hold, the strong decide whether the weak are worthy of life—and no one is safe¹⁴.

If this bill becomes law, the Church must be prepared to refuse cooperation, to offer sanctuary, and to accompany the dying with true compassion—spiritual, medical, and human.

A Targeted Response: Peers Must Now Hear from the Faithful
The House of Lords is now the battlefield, and the Church is not alone. Several pro-life and disability rights organisations have launched targeted campaigns urging peers to block or amend the Bill.

  • Care Not Killing Alliance has activated a nationwide letter-writing and email campaign, providing materials for supporters to contact peers directly.
  • Right To Life UK is running a dedicated campaign hub with educational resources and peer-targeting tools, framing both abortion and assisted suicide as part of the same ideological collapse of legal personhood¹⁵.
  • SPUC (Society for the Protection of Unborn Children) is opposing the recent decriminalisation of abortion up to birth, warning that the same logic—life as conditional upon consent, not inherent dignity—is now being applied at the other end of life¹⁶.
  • Christian Medical Fellowship and Not Dead Yet UK are marshalling testimonies and ethical objections from disabled people and healthcare professionals.

These campaigns are supported by legal analysis as well: the Equality and Human Rights Commission notes that Article 2 of the Human Rights Act provides an explicit and unqualified right to life: “No one shall be deprived of life intentionally”—a principle fundamentally incompatible with state-facilitated suicide¹⁷.

From the Womb to the Deathbed: The Same Fight for Life
These battles are not isolated. The same Parliament that recently removed criminal penalties for abortion up to birth is now considering authorising doctors to end life at its other natural boundary. These are not legislative tweaks—they are foundational betrayals of the sanctity of human life.

As Pope Benedict XVI warned: “A society incapable of accepting the suffering of its members… is a cruel and inhuman society.”¹⁸

We must now act—not only in protest but in prayer, witness, and catechesis.

A Vote with Eternal Consequences
As the Bill proceeds to the Lords in September, the time for compromise is over. This is not just another political debate. This is a moral watershed, and the Peers of the Realm now stand as guardians at the gate.

They must not be cowed by accusations of “cruelty,” “regression,” or “religious interference.” They must remember the words of the Prophet Isaiah: “Woe to those who call evil good, and good evil” (Isaiah 5:20). To legalise suicide is to enshrine despair as public policy and to abandon the sick when they most need hope.

Let us pray the Lords have not only wisdom—but courage. 🔝

  1. Lord Jackson, “Lords Have Mercy,” The Critic, 4 July 2025.
  2. UK Parliament records, Third Reading Vote on Leadbeater Bill, 20 June 2025.
  3. The Times, “Angela Rayner and Wes Streeting Withdraw Support for Assisted Dying Bill,” June 2025.
  4. The Times, “Priest Denies MP Communion for Backing Assisted Dying Bill,” 22 June 2025.
  5. Canon 915, Codex Iuris Canonici (1983); cf. St. Thomas Aquinas, ST II-II, Q. 33, Art. 7.
  6. HL Constitution Committee, The Salisbury Convention, HL 123 (2006).
  7. M. Elliott, P. Murray, N. da Costa, “Legislative Boundaries in Non-Government Bills,” 2025.
  8. Trudo Lemmens, “MAiD and the Canadian Slippery Slope,” Journal of Law & Medicine, 2023.
  9. Philip Murray, “Is the Leadbeater Bill a Gateway Law?” The Critic, June 2025.
  10. The Times, “Without Inquests, Wrongful Deaths May Slip Through the Net,” 30 June 2025.
  11. Pope John Paul II, Evangelium Vitae, §66 (1995).
  12. Care Not Killing, “Briefing on Hospice Conscience Protections,” May 2025.
  13. The Guardian, “Wes Streeting Questions Cost of NHS Assisted Dying Service,” 22 June 2025.
  14. Evangelium Vitae, §23.
  15. Right To Life UK, Defend Life Campaign Hub, 2025.
  16. SPUC, Abortion Decriminalisation Campaign Briefing, 2025.
  17. Equality and Human Rights Commission, Article 2 – Right to Life, updated 2024.
  18. Pope Benedict XVI, Spe Salvi, §38.

Against Confusion: Why “Islamophobia” Is the Wrong Term and a Danger to Free Speech

As the Labour government reviews legal definitions of anti-Muslim hatred, traditional Catholics and civil libertarians alike should resist the ideological drift that falsely equates religious criticism with racism.

A Shifting Landscape of Definitions
In early 2025, the newly elected Labour government under Prime Minister Keir Starmer inherited a policy initiative launched under the Conservative government to define the parameters of anti-Muslim hatred. The initiative took the form of a Working Group on Anti-Muslim Hatred/Islamophobia, chaired by Dominic Grieve KC, with the goal of producing a non-statutory definition that could inform hate crime enforcement, education policy, and civic guidance.

At stake is not merely a terminological preference but the future boundary between lawful dissent and criminalised speech. The question is urgent: will criticism of Islam become functionally equivalent to racism in law and public life?

The APPG’s 2018 Definition: Ambiguity as Ideology
The most widely circulated definition of Islamophobia remains that of the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on British Muslims, issued in 2018:

“Islamophobia is rooted in racism and is a type of racism that targets expressions of Muslimness or perceived Muslimness.“¹

This definition has been adopted by the Labour Party in opposition and by many local authorities. However, it has drawn widespread criticism for its vagueness, ideological presuppositions, and potential to chill lawful speech. The term “Muslimness” is undefined and unbounded. It could refer to theological beliefs, cultural customs, political behaviours, or even dress—leaving citizens unsure of what speech is permitted.

Civil liberties groups, ex-Muslim reformers, secular critics, and religious minorities—including Christians—have all warned that the APPG’s framing protects not just persons from hate, but ideas from scrutiny, inverting the very principles of a pluralistic society.

Islam Is Not a Race
Perhaps the most dangerous assumption of the APPG definition is its repeated claim that Islamophobia is a form of racism. This is conceptually incoherent. Islam is not a race—it is a global religion with adherents from every ethnic background. To label criticism of Islamic belief, law, or history as racism is to commit a category error—one that has already been used to silence dissent and stigmatise debate.

From a Catholic perspective, the problem is clear. The Gospel proclaims Christ crucified and risen, the only Son of the Father, and Saviour of mankind. Islam explicitly denies all these doctrines. If the critique or rejection of Islam’s teachings is redefined as racism, then evangelisation itself becomes hate speech.

A Definition Drafted in Secret?
Despite the gravity of its task, the Working Group itself has operated with a remarkable lack of transparency. Its terms of reference state that its proceedings are confidential, its advice to government private, and that the group “does not speak on behalf of HMG.”²

To date, there has been no published list of members, no minutes released, and no evidence of consultation with Christian, Hindu, Sikh, or secular groups—even though some of these communities are frequently misidentified and targeted in “Islamophobic” incidents.³ Baroness Fox of Buckley, the only peer known to have attended a session, publicly criticised the lack of pluralism and openness.⁴

Civil liberties organisations such as the Free Speech Union, the National Secular Society, and researchers at Policy Exchange have warned that this lack of oversight leaves the process vulnerable to ideological capture.⁵ Some working group members have previous associations with Islamist-linked advocacy, raising concerns about whether freedom of conscience, speech, and religion are being properly defended.⁶

The Government’s Preferred Terminology: A Cautious Improvement
Encouragingly, the current Labour-led government has shown signs of favouring the more accurate and neutral term anti-Muslim hatred. This phrase properly identifies the target of moral and legal concern—persons, not ideas. It aligns with existing legislation on religiously aggravated offences and avoids conflating legitimate criticism with unlawful conduct.

Chairman Dominic Grieve KC has reportedly insisted that any new definition must explicitly preserve the right to question, critique, or reject Islamic beliefs. If that principle is upheld, it will represent a welcome rebalancing of the post-2018 trajectory.

Why the Words Matter
Catholics have a profound interest in this debate. Our fidelity to revealed truth requires us to proclaim that Jesus Christ is Lord, which necessarily entails a rejection of Islam’s central tenets. This cannot and must not be pathologised as hate.

The terms anti-Muslim hatred and anti-Muslim prejudice are morally precise. They uphold the dignity of individuals while preserving the freedom to engage in public discourse about religion. The term Islamophobia, by contrast, is a political construct. It is used to blur the line between people and ideas, to criminalise legitimate debate, and to place one religious worldview beyond critique.

Let the government name the evil clearly: hatred of persons, not scrutiny of religion. And let Catholics, with clarity and charity, defend both truth and freedom. 🔝

¹ All-Party Parliamentary Group on British Muslims, Islamophobia Defined (2018).
² UK Government, Working Group on Anti-Muslim Hatred/Islamophobia: Terms of Reference (March 2025).
³ The Spectator, “The Islamophobia Working Group is Unbalanced and Opaque,” April 2025.
⁴ Baroness Claire Fox, Parliamentary debate, Hansard, 20 March 2024.
⁵ PoliticsHome, “Concerns Raised Over Lack of Diversity in Islamophobia Working Group,” May 2025.
⁶ Policy Exchange / FWI Report, “Renewed Effort to Stifle Free Speech in the UK,” June 2025.


Join the Titular Archbishop of Selsey on a deeply spiritual pilgrimage to Rome in the Jubilee Year 2025. This five-day journey will offer pilgrims the opportunity to deepen their faith, visit some of the most sacred sites of Christendom, and participate in the graces of the Holy Year, including the passing through the Holy Door at St. Peter’s Basilica.

A bishop walking on a cobblestone street in Rome, approaching St. Peter's Basilica in the background, dressed in traditional clerical attire.

What to Expect

🛐 Daily Mass & Spiritual Reflection
Each day will begin with the celebration of Holy Mass in the Eternal City, surrounded by the legacy of the early Christian martyrs and the countless Saints who sanctified its streets. This will be followed by opportunities for prayer, reflection, and spiritual direction.

🏛 Visits to the Major Basilicas
Pilgrims will visit the four Papal Basilicas, each housing a Holy Door for the Jubilee Year:

  • St. Peter’s Basilica – The heart of Christendom and the site of St. Peter’s tomb.
  • St. John Lateran – The cathedral of the Pope, often called the “Mother of all Churches.”
  • St. Mary Major – The oldest church in the West dedicated to Our Lady.
  • St. Paul Outside the Walls – Housing the tomb of St. Paul the Apostle.

⛪ Pilgrimage to Other Sacred Sites

  • The Catacombs – Early Christian burial sites and places of refuge.
  • The Holy Stairs (Scala Sancta) – Believed to be the steps Jesus climbed before Pilate.
  • The Church of the Gesù & the tomb of St. Ignatius of Loyola.
  • The Church of St. Philip Neri, renowned for his joyful holiness.

🌍 Exploring the Eternal City
The pilgrimage will include guided sightseeing to some of Rome’s historic and cultural treasures, such as:

  • The Colosseum and the memories of the early Christian martyrs.
  • The Roman Forum and the heart of ancient Rome.
  • The Pantheon and its Christian transformation.
  • Piazza Navona, the Trevi Fountain, and other landmarks.

🍽 Time for Fellowship & Reflection
Pilgrims will have opportunities to enjoy the unique culture and cuisine of Rome, with time set aside for fellowship, discussion, and personal devotion.

Practical Information

  • Estimated Cost: Up to €15000-2000, covering accommodation, guided visits, and entry to sites.
  • Travel Arrangements: Pilgrims must arrange their own flights or transport to and from Rome.
  • Limited Spaces Available – Those interested should register their interest early to receive further details.

📩 If you are interested in joining this sacred journey, express your interest today!

← Back

Thank you for your response. ✨

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Archbishop Mathew’s Prayer for Catholic Unity
Almighty and everlasting God, Whose only begotten Son, Jesus Christ the Good Shepherd, has said, “Other sheep I have that are not of this fold; them also I must bring, and they shall hear My voice, and there shall be one fold and one shepherd”; let Thy rich and abundant blessing rest upon the Old Roman Apostolate, to the end that it may serve Thy purpose by gathering in the lost and straying sheep. Enlighten, sanctify, and quicken it by the indwelling of the Holy Ghost, that suspicions and prejudices may be disarmed, and the other sheep being brought to hear and to know the voice of their true Shepherd thereby, all may be brought into full and perfect unity in the one fold of Thy Holy Catholic Church, under the wise and loving keeping of Thy Vicar, through the same Jesus Christ, Thy Son, who with Thee and the Holy Ghost, liveth and reigneth God, world without end. Amen.

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Old Roman TV

OLD ROMAN TV Daily Schedule Lent 2025: GMT 0600 Angelus 0605 Morning Prayers 0800 Daily Mass 1200 Angelus 1205 Bishop Challoner’s Daily Meditation 1700 Latin Rosary (live, 15 decades) 1800 Angelus 2100 Evening Prayers & Examen 🔝

Support the Old Roman

If you appreciate this newsletter, Nuntiatoria and Old Roman TV, and value the effort and time involved in their creation, please consider supporting us with a donation below. Your generosity enables us to continue providing thoughtful and enriching content. Every contribution, no matter the size, makes a meaningful difference. Thank you for your support!

Alternatively, please consider showing your support by sharing it with others. Referring friends, colleagues, or family members helps our readership grow and ensures that our content continues reaching those who will value it most.

Thank you for helping us spread the word!

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Litany of St Joseph

Lord, have mercy on us.Lord, have mercy on us.
Christ, have mercy on us.Christ, have mercy on us.
Lord, have mercy on us. Lord, have mercy on us. 
Christ, hear us.Christ, graciously hear us.
 
God the Father of heaven,have mercy on us.
God the Son, Redeemer of the World,have mercy on us.
God the Holy Spirit,have mercy on us.
Holy Trinity, one God,have mercy on us.
  
Holy Mary,pray for us.
St. Joseph,pray for us.
Renowned offspring of David,pray for us.
Light of Patriarchs,pray for us.
Spouse of the Mother of God,pray for us.
Guardian of the Redeemerpray for us.
Chaste guardian of the Virgin,pray for us.
Foster father of the Son of God,pray for us.
Diligent protector of Christ,pray for us.
Servant of Christpray for us.
Minister of salvationpray for us.
Head of the Holy Family,pray for us.
Joseph most just,pray for us.
Joseph most chaste,pray for us.
Joseph most prudent,pray for us.
Joseph most strong,pray for us.
Joseph most obedient,pray for us.
Joseph most faithful,pray for us.
Mirror of patience,pray for us.
Lover of poverty,pray for us.
Model of workers,pray for us.
Glory of family life,pray for us.
Guardian of virgins,pray for us.
Pillar of families,pray for us.
Support in difficulties,pray for us.
Solace of the wretched,pray for us.
Hope of the sick,pray for us.
Patron of exiles,pray for us.
Patron of the afflicted,pray for us.
Patron of the poor,pray for us.
Patron of the dying,pray for us.
Terror of demons,pray for us.
Protector of Holy Church,pray for us.
  
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,spare us, O Jesus.
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,graciously hear us, O Jesus.
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,have mercy on us, O Jesus.
  
He made him the lord of his householdAnd prince over all his possessions.

Let us pray:
O God, in your ineffable providence you were pleased to choose Blessed Joseph to be the spouse of your most holy Mother; grant, we beg you, that we may be worthy to have him for our intercessor in heaven whom on earth we venerate as our Protector: You who live and reign forever and ever.

Saint Joseph, pray for us.

Note: Pope Francis added these titles to the Litany of St. Joseph in his “Lettera della Congregazione per il Culto Divino e la Disciplina dei Sacramenti ai Presidenti delle Conferenze dei Vescovi circa nuove invocazioni nelle Litanie in onore di San Giuseppe,” written on May 1, 2021:

Custos Redemptoris (Guardian of the Redeemer)Serve Christi (Servant of Christ)Minister salutis (Minister of salvation)Fulcimen in difficultatibus (Support in difficulties)Patrone exsulum (Patron of refugees)Patrone afflictorum (Patron of the suffering)
Patrone pauperum (Patron of the poor)


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When Change Becomes a Creed: The Crisis of Continuity in Church and Culture

Why Cardinal Goh’s “Adapting to Change” reveals not renewal, but rupture—and how the same error is collapsing the West from within

The July 2025 reflection by Cardinal William Goh of Singapore, titled Adapting to Change, arrives at a time when the Church is facing profound upheaval. His meditation—presented as a scriptural and pastoral exhortation—functions in reality as a theological statement: namely, that change is intrinsic to fidelity, and that without adaptation, tradition becomes sterile and irrelevant.

This premise, though expressed with spiritual sincerity, raises significant concerns for the faithful. It proposes a model of theological development that blurs the boundaries between immutable truth and mutable practice—one that has contributed to the ongoing crisis of identity, doctrine, and liturgy in the post conciliar Church.Subscribed

Change as a Theological Imperative?
Cardinal Goh’s core thesis is that “not changing is being unfaithful to our past,” and that even theological expression must evolve in order to preserve relevance.¹ He maintains that while doctrine cannot change, theology “is always evolving,” and that a failure to re-express truth in new forms risks rendering the Christian message “redundant, if not irrelevant.”²

He applies this logic to traditional practices such as fasting and penance, but most significantly to the Mass itself. The Eucharist, he argues, has undergone constant change since apostolic times, and must continue to change so as to remain “faithful to its original meaning yet relevant to our times.”³

Yet this view omits the vital distinction between authentic development and doctrinal mutation. It conflates adaptation in delivery with alteration in content. The Church does not maintain her relevance by reshaping her message to fit each era’s preferences. Rather, she remains the enduring sign of contradiction in every generation—her witness sharpened, not softened, by fidelity to what is eternal.

St. Vincent of Lérins and the Rule of Tradition
The true measure of change in the Church is not pastoral expediency or sociological effectiveness, but fidelity to the rule of faith. As St. Vincent of Lérins taught, genuine development must occur eodem sensu eademque sententia—“according to the same sense and the same judgment.”⁴ Any theological development that reinterprets the meaning of doctrine, rather than clarifying or deepening it, must be rejected.

Cardinal Goh’s suggestion that tradition demands constant re-expression fails to account for this distinction. If change is made the criterion of fidelity, then the deposit of faith becomes plastic—shaped by the moods of the age rather than grounded in divine revelation.

Liturgy and the Myth of Continuous Evolution
The notion that the Roman Rite has always changed and therefore must continue to do so requires qualification. Organic development—yes. Radical rupture—no. The received liturgy of the Church, from the earliest Eucharistic prayers to the codified Roman Canon, developed slowly and reverently across centuries. The upheavals of the late 20th century, by contrast, introduced discontinuities in structure, language, orientation, and theology. These were not “new wineskins,” but a new vessel altogether.

If we are to preserve the Mass as a true participation in the heavenly liturgy, as taught by the Fathers and reaffirmed by the Council of Trent, then it must be protected from innovation that compromises its sacrificial nature, its vertical orientation, and its mystical continuity with the worship of the saints.

Penance and the Collapse of Catholic Memory
Cardinal Goh rightly laments the decline in penitential discipline following the modern substitution of individual choice for communal practice. Friday abstinence, once a unifying sign of Catholic identity and solidarity with Christ’s Passion, has become optional and largely forgotten.⁵

This erosion of visible markers of faith is not the result of failing to adapt, but of adapting unwisely—abandoning discipline in the name of flexibility. The ancient practices of fasting, abstinence, and liturgical observance do not need to be rebranded for relevance; they need to be restored with reverence.

The Danger of Ambiguity
The greatest danger in Cardinal Goh’s reflection is not its call for spiritual attentiveness, but its lack of theological precision. Phrases such as “theology is always evolving” and “we must be in sync with the times” risk reducing revealed truth to a negotiable category. The Church does not exist to keep pace with the world, but to call the world to repentance and conversion.

Christ is not “new wine” in the sense of novelty, but in the sense of divine fulfilment. The parable of the wineskins is not an endorsement of constant reinvention, but a warning: when new forms are poured into unsuitable structures, both the wine and the vessel are lost (Mt 9:17).

The Secular Parallel: Cultural Collapse by Innovation
This theological tendency toward perpetual adaptation finds an uncanny mirror in secular culture. The post-Christian West is governed by a similar fallacy: that all progress is necessarily good, that inherited wisdom must be deconstructed, and that anything old is by definition oppressive.

From architecture to education, morality to medicine, Western societies have adopted the same creed: change equals virtue. Thus, classical learning has been supplanted by identity politics, marriage by contractual fluidity, and the natural law by arbitrary feelings. This is not progress—it is cultural amnesia, a forgetting not only of who we are but of what it means to be human.

The logic of Cardinal Goh’s “dynamic fidelity,” applied outside the Church, leads to grotesque results: sex reassignment in children, the redefinition of family, euthanasia for the lonely, and sacrilegious celebrations masquerading as mercy. When truth becomes negotiable, power fills the void. When identity is fluid, tyranny is inevitable.

Conclusion: Fidelity Means Preservation, Not Innovation
True progress in the Church is measured not by novelty, but by deeper immersion in the mystery already revealed. The Catholic tradition is not an empty shell awaiting reinterpretation, but a living heritage handed down with authority and guarded by the Holy Spirit.

As the Church faces increasing pressure to adapt her doctrines, redefine her sacraments, and restructure her identity, it is essential to recall the timeless counsel of the Fathers: What has been believed everywhere, always, and by all must remain the criterion of truth.⁶

To preserve the faith is not to resist growth, but to ensure that every development is faithful in content and form to the one deposit entrusted to the saints. Let the Church adapt only insofar as she never ceases to be the Church—and let society repent of its own blind embrace of change before it forgets what truth is altogether.

Thanks for reading Selsey Substack! This post is public so feel free to share it. Share

¹ Cardinal William Goh, “Adapting to Change,” 5 July 2025, Facebook Reflection.
² Ibid.
³ Ibid.
⁴ St. Vincent of Lérins, Commonitorium, ch. 23.
⁵ Goh, “Adapting to Change.”
⁶ St. Vincent of Lérins, Commonitorium, ch. 2.



Public Sin and Ecclesial Responsibility: The Forgotten Meaning of the Confiteor

“I confess to Almighty God,
and to you, my brothers and sisters,
that I have sinned…”

These familiar words from the Confiteor, recited at the beginning of the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, are not a mere liturgical formality. They are a declaration—before God and before the Church—that our sins, even when privately conceived, affect the whole Body of Christ. The phrase “and to you, my brothers and sisters” is not poetic embellishment. It is a solemn admission that we are accountable to one another because we are mystically united in the Communion of Saints.

The Church’s Ancient Witness: Public Penance as Restoration
In the early Church, this accountability was visibly enacted. Grave sins, particularly those causing public scandal, were confessed publicly before the congregation. In the medieval Church, this developed into the rite of public penance, where notorious sinners were ritually expelled on Ash Wednesday by the bishop and only readmitted to the sacraments after a period of visible penance, culminating in solemn reconciliation on Maundy Thursday. These rites were not acts of humiliation but of restoration—remedies applied by the Church to heal her members and preserve her witness.

The Crisis Today: Silence in the Face of Manifest Grave Sin
This principle—public sin demands public repentance—has been tragically obscured in modern times, especially in the realm of politics. In the name of tolerance, diplomacy, or false mercy, the Church now too often treats grave public scandal as a private spiritual matter. But silence in the face of manifest sin is not mercy; it is pastoral abandonment. It leaves the sinner in peril, misleads the faithful, and weakens the Church’s public witness.

A Grave Parliamentary Offense
On 17 June 2025, the House of Commons passed Clause 191 of the Crime and Policing Bill, effectively decriminalising abortion up to and including birth. It is the most radical change to British abortion law in over fifty years. Among the 379 MPs who voted for this barbaric provision were thirteen self-professed Catholics. Some also supported the legalisation of assisted suicide—undermining the Church’s constant teaching on the inviolability of human life. These votes were not cast in ignorance or ambiguity, but with full knowledge of the Church’s moral law.

The Named Offenders

Those MPs include:

  • Rebecca Long-Bailey (Labour – Salford)
  • Dame Siobhain McDonagh (Labour – Mitcham & Morden)
  • Andy McDonald (Labour – Middlesbrough & Thornaby)
  • Dr Ben Spencer (Conservative – Runnymede & Weybridge)
  • Chris Coghlan (Liberal Democrat – Dorking & Horley)
  • Dan Aldridge (Labour – Weston-super-Mare)
  • Kevin Bonavia (Labour – Stevenage)
  • David Chadwick (Liberal Democrat – Brecon, Radnor & Cwm Tawe)
  • Colum Eastwood (SDLP – Foyle)
  • Florence Eshalomi (Labour & Co-op – Vauxhall)
  • Claire Hanna (SDLP – Belfast South & Mid Down)
  • Pat McFadden (Labour – Wolverhampton South East)
  • Oliver Ryan (Independent – Burnley)

To date, there has been no public act of repentance, no retraction, no clarification, and no statement of conscience from any of them. If, by the grace of God, any one of them has since repented, confessed, and been absolved, then that too should be made known publicly, as the sin was public and caused grave scandal to the faithful.

The Distinction Between Public and Private Sin
This reflects a crucial and often misunderstood distinction in Catholic moral teaching between private sin and public sin:

  • Private sin is known only to the individual (or a few), and its harm is primarily internal—against one’s own soul and relationship with God. These sins are rightly confessed in the secrecy of the confessional, where grace heals in silence.
  • Public sin, however, is committed openly or is widely known—especially by those in positions of visibility or influence. Its effects are external and communal: it wounds the unity of the Church, confuses the faithful, and leads others into error by scandal—that is, the sin of causing others to stumble (cf. Matt. 18:6).

Scandal and the Duty of Correction
Scandal, in Catholic teaching, is not merely about causing offense. It is about causing spiritual harm by leading others to believe that sin is acceptable. When a public figure who claims to be Catholic knowingly promotes abortion or euthanasia, and suffers no ecclesial consequence, the result is a false witness—one that suggests Catholic doctrine can be disregarded without penalty.

Answering Objections: Is Public Reproof Uncharitable?
Some argue that it is uncharitable or unjust to publicly call out these MPs. But this objection misunderstands the nature of mercy, correction, and authority.

Catholic tradition, Scripture, and canon law are united on this point: public sin requires public correction. As St. Paul exhorts, “Them that sin, reprove before all: that the rest also may have fear” (1 Tim 5:20). St. Thomas Aquinas affirms that where scandal arises from public sin, it must be corrected publicly, lest others be led into the same error (Summa Theologiae, II-II, q. 33, a. 7).

Charity is not the avoidance of discomfort. It is the willing of the true good of the other. To allow Catholic legislators to persist in sacrilege while maintaining public communion with the Church is not merciful—it is cruel.

The Role of Bishops and the Laity
That is why Canon 915 obliges ministers of Holy Communion to withhold the Sacrament from those who “obstinately persevere in manifest grave sin.” This is not a punishment but a safeguard—for the dignity of the Eucharist, the integrity of the Church, and the salvation of the person in error.

The bishops of the Church bear a particular responsibility here. As successors of the Apostles, they are not only private pastors but public guardians of the faith. When they fail to admonish Catholic public officials who defy the Church in grave matters, they share in the scandal by omission.

The laity, too, are not exempt. The Confiteor reminds each of us that sin—even when secret—has consequences for others. When the faithful fail to insist on coherence between public action and professed belief, they allow falsehood to masquerade as fidelity.

The Goal: Restoration Through Visible Repentance
Yet the goal is not exclusion but reconciliation. The Church longs to welcome back the sinner—but repentance must come first. The Confiteor ends not in condemnation but in hope: “Pray for me to the Lord our God.”

If any of the MPs who voted against life and truth were to repent, confess, and publicly amend their error, the Church should receive them with joy. But that repentance must be visible. For where the sin was public, the healing must be public too.

Conclusion: A Call to Fidelity and Courage
In our time, the Church must recover the clarity of her Tradition and the courage of her saints. Only then can she speak with authority to a world that has forgotten what sin is, and no longer believes in grace.

First published on Selsey Substack

  1. Code of Canon Law, Canon 915: “Those who have been excommunicated or interdicted after the imposition or declaration of the penalty and others obstinately persevering in manifest grave sin are not to be admitted to Holy Communion.”
  2. Catechism of the Catholic Church, §1385: “Anyone conscious of a grave sin must receive the sacrament of Reconciliation before coming to communion.”
  3. For the list of MPs and their votes, see The Catholic Herald, 6 July 2025.
  4. On the nature and necessity of public penance, cf. Dom Jean Leclercq, The Love of Learning and the Desire for God, and Fr. Pius Parsch, The Church’s Year of Grace, vol. II.
  5. On the distinction between public and private sin, cf. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II-II, q. 33, a. 7.
  6. On scandal and its gravity, cf. Catechism of the Catholic Church, §§2284–2287.
  7. On ecclesial correction as an act of charity, cf. Pope St. Gregory the Great, Pastoral Rule, and St. Catherine of Siena, Letters, esp. to Pope Gregory XI.


Nuntiatoria LXI: Veritas Vincit

w/c 06/07/25

A calendar for the week of May 18, 2025, includes various liturgical observances, feast days, and notes for the Old Roman Apostolate.

ORDO

Dies06
SUN
07
MON
08
TUE
09
WED
10
THU
11
FRI
12
SAT
13
SUN
OfficiumPretiosissimi Sanguinis Domini Nostri Jesu Christi
Ss. Cyrilli et Methodii

Pont. et Conf.
S. Elisabeth
Reg. Portugaliæ Viduæ
Feria IV infra Hebd IV post Octavam PentecostesSs. Septem Fratrum Mm, ac Rufinæ et Secundæ Vm et MmS. Pii I
Papæ et Martyris
S. Joannis Gualberti
Abbatis
Dominica V Post Pentecosten
CLASSISDuplex IDuplexSemiduplexSimplexSemiduplexSimplexDuplex Semiduplex
Color*RubeumAlbusAlbusViridisRubeumRubeumAlbusViridis
MISSARedemísti nosSacerdótes tuiCognóviDóminus Laudáte, púeriStátuit eiOs justiExáudi, Dómine
Orationes2a. In Octava Ss. Apostolorum Petri et Pauli
3a. Dominica IV Post Pentecosten
4a. Die V infra Octavam in Vistatione BMV
NA2a. A cunctis
3a. Pro papa vel ad libitum
2a. A cunctis
3a. Pro papa vel ad libitum
2a. A cunctis
3a. Contra persecutores Ecclesiæ
2a. A cunctis
3a. Pro papa vel ad libitum
2a. Ss. Naboris et Felicis Mm
2a. S. Anacleti Papæ et Martyris
3a. Dominica IV Post Pentecosten
4a. A cunctis nos
NOTAEGl. Cr.
Pref. de Sancta Cruce
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
omit Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl.
Pref. de Communis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Communis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Trinitatis
Nota Bene/Vel/Votiva
* Color: Albus = White; Rubeum = Red; Viridis = Green; Purpura = Purple; Niger = Black [] = in Missa privata
** Our Lady of Fatima, a votive Mass may be offered using the Mass Propers for the Immaculate Heart of Mary, August 22nd 🔝

Veritas Vincit

It recalls mottos like “Veritas vos liberabit” (“The truth will set you free” — John 8:32), and “Christus vincit” (“Christ conquers”), used in ancient acclamations and traditional hymns. Thus, Veritas Vincit speaks both to the task at hand—truthful reporting and analysis—and to the larger Christian vision: that fidelity to truth, though it may cost us everything, ultimately participates in the victory of Christ.

HE ✠Jerome OSJV, Titular Archbishop of Selsey

Carissimi, Beloved in Christ,

Grace and peace be with you from God our Father, and from the Lord Jesus Christ, Who is the same yesterday, today, and forever.

Over the past week, our apostolic work Selsey Substack and Nuntiatoria have traced many of the lines along which the current civil and ecclesiastical order is fracturing. What we observe is not merely cultural decay, but a deliberate repudiation of both nature and grace—an apostasy clothed in legislative robes, a moral inversion advanced through digital catechisms, and a Church too often silent, complicit, or confused. Against this, we set the lamp of truth, not to curse the darkness but to rekindle conviction and courage in Christ’s little flock.

Conscience on Trial: The Cost of Speaking Plainly
The case of Richard Cooke, the West Midlands Police Federation chairman removed for defending his members against the sweeping accusations of institutional racism, epitomises a growing tyranny of thought. The modern ideological litmus tests—DEI trainings, compelled affirmations, and internal speech codes—do not merely chill speech; they invert the very mission of civic institutions. When truth is sacrificed on the altar of institutional appeasement, the faithful must ask: *who then will stand for the innocent, the maligned, and the voiceless?

Likewise, the vindication of “Billboard Chris” in Australia, who faced sanctions for biological truth-telling, reminds us that Christian witness in the public square—though branded “hate” by the regulators of discourse—is still capable of cutting through the fog when allied to courage and prayer. These cases are not isolated but symptomatic of a regime increasingly allergic to nature itself.

Abortion and the Legal Eclipse of Innocence
The most chilling development has been the UK Parliament’s advance of Clause 191: the effective decriminalisation of self-induced abortion at any stage. This is not merely a tragic political defeat; it is a declaration that unborn children possess no legal protection even at the threshold of birth. Under cover of “compassion,” the amendment extinguishes the concept of personhood from the womb.

We must grieve not only the lives lost, but the erosion of public reason itself. When law enshrines death as a right and denies the reality of human nature, society itself is turned against the image of God in man. This, beloved, is the fruit of decades of sentimentalism unmoored from objective truth. It is the rejection of the Cross as the measure of love, replaced by a counterfeit mercy which demands no repentance and sanctions no sin.

Institutions Without Integrity
Our reports have also uncovered the double standard governing public discourse. Ofcom’s selective enforcement against GB News, the police’s politicised silence regarding demonstrators praying or protesting peacefully, and the EHRC’s post-Supreme Court foot-dragging on the definition of “sex” all point to a crisis of legitimacy. These are not signs of a healthy democracy—but of a governing class enthralled by a secularised soteriology, in which moral authority is claimed without truth, and dissent is punished with bureaucratic cruelty.

The tragedy is that many churches have chosen accommodation over resistance. Where once the shepherd’s rod protected the flock from wolves, now it too often comforts the wolves and lectures the sheep on inclusion.

The Church in Exile: Our Apostolic Mandate
Yet the Church is never without hope. In the shadows of cultural collapse, a remnant remains—faithful men and women, young and old, returning to the wisdom of the ages. Our reflection on the Fourth Sunday Post Pentecost, guided by the traditional liturgical authors, reminds us that Christ teaches His disciples not merely to withstand the night of this world, but to cast their nets anew in obedience and trust.

This is our task: to teach, to warn, to comfort, and to witness. Nuntiatoria is not a newsroom, but a herald’s trumpet. It proclaims not fashionable commentary, but the unchanging Gospel applied to the shifting sands of the present moment.

Editorial Resolve and Ecclesial Duty
In reviewing our editorial output this past week, I commend the clarity and charity with which truth has been spoken. But I also charge all who labour in this apostolate—writers, editors, readers, and intercessors—to deepen their commitment. Let us not merely expose darkness, but form hearts. Let us catechise as we critique. Let us root our every article not in outrage or despair, but in fidelity to the Word made flesh, and in reverence for the Immaculate Heart of Mary, through whom the light of victory shall dawn.

Let us also recall: we do not fight against flesh and blood (Eph. 6:12), but against lies enthroned as law, and ideologies posing as compassion. Our weapons are truth, prayer, sacrament, and sacrifice. They are sufficient.

May the Precious Blood of Jesus, whose feast we celebrate this week, purify our nations and convert hearts. May the Holy Ghost raise up defenders of life and liberty. And may we, the children of Tradition, not grow weary in well-doing.

With paternal blessing and enduring affection, I remain 🔝

Text indicating a liturgical schedule for the week beginning April 5th, 2025, including notable feast days and rituals.

Recent Epistles & Conferences




The Time after Pentecost in the Tridentine Rite
The Time after Pentecost in the Tridentine liturgical calendar, sometimes called the “Season after Pentecost,” corresponds to what is now known in the modern Roman Rite as “Ordinary Time.” Yet unlike the postconciliar terminology, the Tridentine designation is not “ordinary” in tone or theology. It is profoundly mystical, drawing the Church into a deepening participation in the life of the Holy Ghost poured out upon the Mystical Body at Pentecost.

A Season of Fulfilment and Mission
The Time after Pentecost is the longest of the liturgical seasons, extending from the Monday after the Octave of Pentecost to the final Saturday before the First Sunday of Advent. It represents the age of the Church — the time between the descent of the Holy Ghost and the Second Coming of Christ. Where Advent looked forward to the coming of the Messiah, and Easter celebrated His triumph, the Time after Pentecost lives out His indwelling. It is the season of sanctification, corresponding to the Holy Ghost in the economy of salvation, just as Advent and Christmas reflect the Father’s sending, and Lent and Easter the Son’s redeeming work.

Dom Prosper Guéranger writes that “the mystery of Pentecost embraces the whole duration of the Church’s existence” — a mystery of fruitfulness, guidance, and spiritual warfare. It is not a neutral stretch of ‘green vestments’ but a continuation of the supernatural drama of the Church militant, sustained by the fire of divine charity.

The Green of Growth — But Also of Struggle
Liturgically, green dominates this time, symbolising hope and spiritual renewal. Yet the Masses of the Sundays after Pentecost contain numerous reminders that the Christian life is not passive growth but an active battle. Readings from St. Paul’s epistles dominate, especially exhortations to moral purity, perseverance, and readiness for the day of judgment. The Gospels often feature Christ’s miracles, parables of the Kingdom, or calls to vigilance — all designed to awaken souls from spiritual sloth.

Fr. Pius Parsch notes that “the Sundays after Pentecost are dominated by two great thoughts: the growth of the Church and the interior life of the Christian.” These twin aspects — ecclesial expansion and individual sanctity — are ever present in the collects and readings, pointing to the fruit of Pentecost as the Church’s leavening power in the world.

The Numbering and Shape of the Season
In the Tridentine Missal, Sundays are numbered “after Pentecost,” beginning with the Sunday immediately following the octave day (Trinity Sunday stands apart). The exact number of these Sundays varies depending on the date of Easter. Since the final Sundays are taken from the “Sundays after Epiphany” not used earlier in the year, the readings and prayers of the last Sundays are drawn from both ends of the temporal cycle. This produces a subtle eschatological tone in the final weeks — especially from the 24th Sunday after Pentecost onward — anticipating the Second Coming and the Last Judgment.

In this way, the Time after Pentecost includes both the lived reality of the Church’s mission and the urgency of her final consummation. The Kingdom is already present, but not yet fully manifest.

The Role of Feasts and the Saints
The richness of the season is also punctuated by numerous feasts: of Our Lady (e.g., the Visitation, the Assumption), of the angels (e.g., St. Michael), of apostles and martyrs, confessors and virgins. Unlike Advent or Lent, which are penitential in tone, the Time after Pentecost includes joyful celebrations that model Christian holiness in diverse vocations. The saints are the mature fruit of Pentecost, witnesses to the Spirit’s indwelling.

As Dom Guéranger says, this season “is the longest of all in the liturgical year: its length admits of its being considered as the image of eternity.” It teaches that the gifts of the Holy Ghost are not given for a moment, but for a lifetime of growth in grace — and for the eternal life to come.

Conclusion: A Time of Interiorisation and Apostolic Zeal
The Time after Pentecost is not a liturgical afterthought, but the climax of the year — the age of the Church, the time in which we now live. Every soul is invited to be a continuation of the Incarnation through the indwelling of the Holy Ghost. The sacraments, the Mass, and the feasts of the saints all nourish this divine life, which began in Baptism and is ordered to glory.

Thus, the Time after Pentecost is not simply the Church’s “green season,” but her most fruitful and missionary phase — a time of living in the Spirit, bearing His fruits, and hastening toward the return of the King. 🔝


Spiritual Reflection for the Feast of the Most Precious Blood of Our Lord Jesus Christ

(Observed on the First Sunday of July)

“You were not redeemed with corruptible things… but with the Precious Blood of Christ, as of a lamb unspotted and undefiled.” (1 Peter 1:18–19)

The Precious Blood of Jesus is not merely a symbol, nor merely a theological theme. It is the price of our salvation, the ink with which the New Covenant was signed, and the living fountain of grace from the Heart of the Redeemer. On this feast, the Church bids us fix our gaze anew upon the Blood poured out for us—not as a past event only, but as a present reality made sacramentally present at every Holy Mass.

Devotion to the Precious Blood is fundamentally Eucharistic. For it is in the chalice, consecrated by the words of the Savior, that His Blood becomes truly present under the veil of wine. And in this sacramental mystery, we are not mere observers: we are participants in the outpouring of love that began in Gethsemane, surged through the scourging pillar, and streamed from the Cross at Calvary.

The Blood of Christ is a language. It speaks better things than the blood of Abel (Heb 12:24)—not vengeance, but mercy; not condemnation, but reconciliation. It testifies to divine justice and divine mercy perfectly united: a justice that does not overlook sin, and a mercy that spares the sinner by absorbing the cost into God Himself.

This feast reminds us of three essential spiritual truths:

1. The Cost of Our Redemption
Too often we domesticate the Cross. But the Precious Blood confronts us with the real cost of sin. Salvation is not cheap grace. Christ’s Blood is infinitely precious because it is the Blood of the God-Man, poured out voluntarily to ransom us from death. Each drop cries out: This is how much you are loved.

2. The Power of the Blood
The Precious Blood has not lost its power. In the confessional, it washes the soul clean. In the Mass, it is offered anew for the living and the dead. In temptation, it is a shield; in trial, a strength; in spiritual warfare, a weapon. We must invoke it often: “By Thy Precious Blood, O Jesus, save us and the whole world!”

3. The Call to Imitation
To venerate the Precious Blood is to embrace sacrifice. Christ poured Himself out; so must we. Love, if it is genuine, always bleeds—it always costs. We are called to offer our bodies, our desires, our sufferings, as a “living sacrifice” (Rom 12:1), united to His.

In a world that trivializes sin and denies sacrifice, this feast is a summons back to spiritual reality. We are not our own. We were bought at a price (1 Cor 6:20). That price is the Precious Blood of Jesus.

Let us therefore not let this feast pass as a mere pious observance. Let it be for us a spiritual renewal—a deeper entry into the mystery of the Cross, a more fervent participation in the Eucharist, and a more grateful, obedient love for the One who gave all for us.

“Blood of Christ, without which there is no forgiveness—save us.”
— From the Litany of the Precious Blood 🔝


Missalettes (Corpus Christi/Sacred Heart)

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Spiritual Reflection for the Fourth Sunday after Pentecost
“Launch out into the deep” (Luke 5:4)

Today’s Gospel invites us aboard the bark of Peter, tossed gently on the lake of Gennesaret, where the Eternal Word teaches the crowd from the boat. Christ, the Divine Fisherman, looks not only to the multitude on the shore, but beyond them—to every soul throughout the ages, especially those wearied by fruitless labour and disappointed hopes.

The Weariness of Labour
Peter and his companions have worked all night and caught nothing. How many times in life does this scene echo in our own hearts? We labour—perhaps in prayer, in penance, in evangelisation, in our duties—but see no fruit. The nets are empty. The world seems indifferent or even hostile. Like Peter, we are tempted to say: “Master, we have toiled all the night.”

And yet, it is precisely here—in our exhaustion and powerlessness—that Christ steps in. He does not chide Peter for failure; He does not demand a report of measurable success. Instead, He says one simple word: “Launch out into the deep”—Duc in altum. It is not success Christ seeks, but obedience.

Obedience and the Miracle of Grace
Peter, in his weakness, replies, “At Thy word, I will let down the net.” This is the moment of grace. Obedience to the Divine Word opens the floodgates. The nets fill. The boats sink with the weight of unexpected abundance. It is not Peter’s skill but his surrender that draws in the catch.

This is the law of the spiritual life: not strength, but surrender; not cleverness, but confidence in God. When we act at Christ’s word—when we obey in faith, despite weariness or apparent failure—then He acts, and the result exceeds all we could have imagined.

Humility and Mission
Faced with divine power, Peter falls to his knees: “Depart from me, for I am a sinful man, O Lord.” The true response to divine favour is not pride but repentance. The closer a soul comes to the light of God, the more it sees its own shadows. But Christ does not withdraw. Instead, He lifts Peter up, not only to peace, but to mission: “From henceforth, thou shalt catch men.”

So too with us. If we are faithful, Christ will draw us to Himself, not for our comfort alone, but that we may share in His apostolic work. Every grace received carries within it a call—to bear witness, to offer ourselves for the salvation of souls, to become fishers of men in our own corner of the world.

Groaning for Glory
The Epistle reminds us that all creation groans, waiting for redemption. We too groan inwardly as we await the full revealing of God’s glory. But this groaning is not defeat. It is the cry of hope. Suffering borne in faith becomes the seed of eternal joy. Our little obedience, our hidden fidelity, our unseen tears—these are the bait and net by which God gathers His children home.

Conclusion: The Lord of the Deep
Let us then obey the voice of Christ. Let us launch again into the deep—into prayer, into sacrifice, into love of souls. Even when we feel small, tired, or unworthy, let us cast out the net at His word. The world is the sea, the Gospel is the net, and our Lord still speaks from Peter’s boat. If we listen and obey, we too shall see the miracle of grace, and become instruments of salvation for others.

Amen. 🔝


A sermon for Sunday

by the Revd Dr Robert Wilson PhD (Cantab), Old Roman Apostolate UK

Precious Blood/Fourth Sunday after Pentecost

The soldiers therefore came: and they broke the legs of the first and of the other that were crucified with him. But after they were come to Jesus when they saw that he was already dead, they did not break his legs. But one of the soldiers with a spear opened his side, and immediately there came out blood and water. And he that saw it has given testimony, and his testimony is true.

Today we celebrate the Feast of the Most Precious Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, as well as commemorating the Fourth Sunday after Pentecost. In today’s Gospel we hear from the climax of St. John’s Passion narrative in which Jesus, having taken the vinegar that had been offered to him said “it is consummated”. On saying these words he bowed his head and gave up the ghost. It was important that the bodies of those who were being crucified that day did not remain on the cross (since the next day was the Sabbath) so the Jews asked Pilate that their legs might be broken. This would ensure that they would be dead and so they could be taken away. The soldiers therefore came and broke the legs of the two others who were crucified with him. In Jesus’ case the soldiers found that he was already dead so it was not necessary to break his legs. Instead one of the soldiers pierced his side with a spear, drawing forth blood and water. This is attested by the eyewitness testimony of St. John, the Beloved disciple himself.

This scene works on two levels. At one level it is an historical account that attests that Jesus had actually died. The crurifragium (the breaking of the legs) of the one who was crucified is an attested custom which was used by the Roman soldiers to ensure that those who were being crucified that day actually died. In Jesus’ case it was not actually necessary because he had already died. This was shown when one of the soldiers pierced his side bringing forth blood and water. This truth rested on the testimony of an eyewitness who could be trusted, St. John. In the other Gospels the Passion scene is a distant scene, since though the accounts of St. Mark and St. Luke are based on eyewitness testimony they are not themselves the work of an eyewitness. By contrast in St. John’s Gospel the Passion scene is described by one of the Jesus’ most intimate disciples, who had leant on his breast at the Last Supper, who had followed him to the high priest’s house and had witnessed the last hours at the Cross and to whom Jesus had entrusted the care of his mother. It is therefore of unique historical value because it is the narrative, not of an outsider, but an intimate insider.

But the scene also works on a deeper level as well in that it brings out the theological significance of the death of Jesus. R. G. Collingwood described history as the “inside of the event.” In other words what distinguishes a true historical writing from a mere chronicle is that it brings out the significance of what is truly going on in the events that take place. It therefore follows that the best historian is one who is able to see the event as it would have appeared to those who were taking part in it. It is even better when (as in the case of St. John’s Gospel) we have the testimony of one who had actually witnessed the events themselves, but is now writing to bring out their deeper significance.

The piercing of Jesus’ side by the soldiers bringing forth a flow of blood and water not only testified to the fact that Jesus was genuinely dead. It also showed that salvation came by the atoning blood of Jesus. As the great Passiontide hymn has it

There whilst he hung, His sacred side
By soldier’s spear was open wide,
To cleanse us in the precious flood
Of water mingled with his blood.

St. Augustine put it like this: “The Evangelist speaketh carefully. He saith not that he smote the side, nor yet that he wounded it, nor yet anything else, but pierced it, to fling wide the entrance unto life, whence flow the Sacraments of the Church, those sacraments without which there is no entrance unto the life which is life indeed. That blood which was shed there was shed for the remission of sins, that water is the water that mantleth in the cup of salvation. Therein are we washed, and thereof do we drink…. And here we have the Second Adam bowing his head, and the deep sleep of death falling upon him on the Cross and he sleepeth, that the Lord God may take a thing out of his side, and may make thereof a wife for him. O what a death was this, which quickeneth the dead! What is cleaner than his blood? What is more health giving than his wounding?… A Redeemer came and paid the price for them. He shed his blood, and at that cost shed the world. Ye ask what he bought? Look at what he paid and ye shall see what he bought. Christ’s blood was the price. What was his blood worth? What, but the whole world? What, but all men? They are very unthankful for his redemption, or very proud, who say it is only precious enough to buy the Africans, or that they themselves are so precious that it was shed only for them. Let there be an end to such conceit, and to such vainglory. What he paid, he paid for all.”

Let us make our own the words of today’s collect:

O Almighty and everlasting God, who hast appointed thine only begotten Son to be the redeemer of the world, and hast been pleased to be reconciled unto us by his blood, grant us, we beseech thee, so to use this solemn worship of the price of our salvation, that the power thereof may keep us from all things that may hurt us, and the purchase of the same may gladden us for ever hereafter in heaven, who liveth and reigneth with thee in the unity of the Holy Ghost, one God, world without end. Amen. 🔝

Fourth Sunday after Pentecost

I reckon that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the glory to come, that shall be revealed in us. For the expectation of the creature waiteth for the revelation of the sons of God. For the creature was made subject to vanity, not willingly, but by reason of him that made it subject in hope; because the creature also itself shall be delivered from the servitude of corruption, into the liberty of the glory of the children of God.

In today’s epistle, we hear from St. Paul’s great exposition to the Romans of how the sufferings of this present age are not worthy to be compared with the glory of the world to come. The whole creation has been subjected to corruption, decay and death as a consequence of the fall of man. But the good news of the gospel is that this is not the last word and the whole creation will eventually be delivered from corruption into the glorious liberty of the children of God. “For we know that every creature groaneth and travaileth in pain, even till now; and not only it, but ourselves also, who have the first fruits of the Spirit, even we ourselves groan within ourselves, waiting for the adoption of the sons of God, the redemption of our body; in Christ Jesus our Lord.”

But why does a God who we say is all good and all powerful allow suffering and sin in this world? Some would see the existence of suffering in this world as evidence that there is no God who is all powerful and all good, no justice and no judge. There is simply the chance that produces variation, and the necessity that ensures that the strong will triumph over the weak. According to this view, we can know how, but we can never know why disease and suffering occur. But the question to this view should then be that we cannot recognise something as evil unless we have some idea of good to compare it with, for evil is the absence or privation of goodness, just as darkness is the absence of light and injustice the absence of justice. If there were no creatures with eyes we would not know what light was, or if there were no creatures with ears we would not know what sound was. The fact that we regard disease and suffering as bad therefore suggests not the unreality of God and absolute goodness, but our implicit recognition that there is much in the world that is not as it ought to be. When viewed in this light, the atheist or materialist worldview that uses the existence of suffering in this world to deny God and ultimate goodness is not as coherent as it may look at first sight.

On the other side is the pantheist who says that evil and suffering are an illusion, for the creation is divine and so nothing is ultimately really wrong. Evil and suffering, according to this view, are an illusion, or rather it is our own limited human perspective that makes evil and suffering seem to us to be real. Once the unreality of material phenomena is recognised, the chance that produces variation and the necessity that ensures that the strong triumph over the weak can now be seen to make sense, for whatever is must be right when looked at from a divine perspective. But the question to this view is that it does not do justice to morality, for it produces a world in which the cruelty of the caste system can ultimately be justified, for it is only our limited human perspective that makes it seem unjust to us. If for the atheist or materialist the existence of evil and suffering shows that all our hopes are ultimately doomed to disappointment, for the pantheist who sees evil and suffering as an illusion, if we did but know it all our hopes are already fulfilled.

Ultimately, the atheist denial of the spiritual realm, of God and of ultimate goodness, and the pantheist denial of the material realm, of evil and of suffering, have far more in common than may appear at first sight. In neither worldview is there any real reason to question the status quo in which the strong and powerful triumph over the weak and vulnerable. The atheist says that because evil and suffering exist, God and ultimate goodness do not exist, while the pantheist says that because the creation is divine, material phenomenon are unreal and so evil and suffering are ultimately an illusion.

A different vision to these two worldviews was found in ancient Israel. They refused to accept the world as it is, for the world as it is now is not the world as it ought to be. They had faith in God who is all powerful and all good, yet they recognised that there is much evil and suffering in the world. Instead of accepting the status quo in which the Israelites were slaves in Egypt, Moses responded to the call of God to lead them out of slavery through the wilderness to the promised land. When they fell away in that promised land, and sought to follow the ways of the world around them, the prophets sought to speak truth to power and recall them to faithfulness to the covenant that they had made with God. In contrast to the kings who exercised power, the prophets preached righteousness. Since the world even in that promised land was still out of joint with its Creator the prophets looked forward to a time when God’s will would be done on earth as it is in heaven, when the eyes of the blind would be opened and the ears of the deaf unstopped, and the lion and the lamb would live together.

The Christian faith is that in Jesus Christ this hope found fulfilment. Future in its fullness the Kingdom of God was now being manifested through its proclaimer, in his words and mighty works. The existence of sin and suffering showed a world that was not in harmony with its Creator, and so in Jesus Christ the Creator himself was at work in reconciling the world to himself. He did not provide an answer to the problem of evil and suffering in this world at the level of theory. Rather, he actually in his life healed the sick, gave sight to the blind, made the deaf to hear and the dumb to speak and preached the gospel (the good news of the Kingdom of God) to the poor. When the final clash with the powers that be in this world inevitably came, he took the evil of the world’s hatred upon himself and somehow subsumed it into good. He rose from the dead, triumphing over death by death and so became the first fruits of them that slept. As St. Paul put it to the Corinthians, this faith was the tradition that he had received, the faith in which the Church alone stands, that Christ died for our sins and that he rose again from the dead according to the Scriptures, appearing to his disciples and last of all to St. Paul himself, as a man born out of due time. But whether it is I or they, St. Paul continued, so we preach and so we have believed.

Confident in that faith we await that new heaven and new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness, when God’s Kingdom will finally come in its fullness, and his will be done on earth as it is in heaven, when suffering and sin will be no more and God will wipe away every tear from every eye. 🔝


The Feast of the Most Precious Blood in the Tridentine Liturgy

“Thou hast redeemed us, O Lord, in Thy Blood.”

The Feast of the Most Precious Blood, celebrated in the Traditional Roman Rite on the 1st of July, stands as a solemn proclamation of the central mystery of our redemption: that the world was not saved by ideas, sentiments, or reforms—but by the pouring out of the Blood of the Incarnate Word. Instituted by Pope Pius IX in 1849, in thanksgiving for the Church’s preservation during the revolutionary upheavals of that year, the feast was later extended to the universal Church by Pope Pius X, who placed it at the very opening of July—a month consecrated to the Precious Blood.

As Dom Prosper Guéranger explains, the devotion to the Blood of Christ is not new. It is as old as Calvary, as constant as the Eucharist, and as scriptural as the Apocalypse, where the saints are shown to have “washed their robes and made them white in the Blood of the Lamb”¹. By dedicating a distinct feast to the Precious Blood, the Church gives liturgical expression to that which has always stood at the heart of her worship and doctrine.

A Liturgical Theology of Redemption
The Introit opens with the voice of the heavenly court: “Thou hast redeemed us, O Lord, in Thy Blood, from every tribe, tongue, people, and nation” (cf. Apoc. 5:9–10). The Church places this doxology on our lips, identifying us with the triumphant saints who see in the wounds of Christ the cause of their joy.

The Collect speaks with unflinching clarity: “Almighty, eternal God, Who didst appoint Thine only-begotten Son to be the Redeemer of the world, and willed to be appeased by His Blood…”—a stark affirmation of the propitiatory nature of the Passion. The Precious Blood is not only a sign of love, but the very ransom that satisfied divine justice.

The Epistle (Heb 9:11–15) contrasts the blood of goats and calves with the Blood of Christ, offering a liturgical catechesis on the superiority of the New Covenant. “How much more,” asks St Paul, “shall the Blood of Christ cleanse our conscience from dead works to serve the living God?” The Tridentine liturgy, faithful to the early Church, understands the Blood not as metaphor, but as the vehicle of sanctification and the bond of the eternal covenant².

The Gospel (John 19:30–35) brings us to the foot of the Cross, to the moment when the side of Christ is pierced, and there comes forth “blood and water”—interpreted by the Fathers as the birth of the Church through the sacraments. Here, as Blessed Ildefonso Schuster observes, the liturgy is not merely recalling a past event, but mystically drawing us into the very hour of our redemption³.

The Chalice and the Cross
The Offertory verse—“I will take the chalice of salvation…”—directs our eyes to the altar, where that same chalice is raised, not in memory alone but in liturgical actualisation of Christ’s sacrifice. The Secret prays that this same Blood “may avail for the remission of our sins,” reiterating the traditional understanding of the Mass as a true propitiatory sacrifice, offered for both the living and the dead⁴.

The Communion verse quotes St Paul: “The chalice of benediction which we bless, is it not the communion of the Blood of Christ?” (1 Cor 10:16). And the Postcommunion prays that we may be preserved by the Blood we have received. Thus the whole liturgy is a seamless tapestry, drawing the soul from adoration to reception, from the Blood outpoured to the Blood received.

A Feast for Our Age of Forgetfulness
In an era that forgets sin, minimizes sacrifice, and reduces the Cross to sentiment, this feast stands as a liturgical rebuke to theological shallowness and devotional amnesia. The Precious Blood proclaims that salvation is costly, that mercy is not leniency, and that the Mass is not a meal, but a sacrifice.

As Dom Guéranger wrote, the Precious Blood is the “final expression of the love of the Word Incarnate; the last effort of a God exhausted not by death but by love”⁵. To venerate it rightly is to be brought low in repentance and raised high in adoration.

Let the faithful return with fervour to the Litany of the Precious Blood, to hours of adoration, to reverent participation in the ancient rite that does not veil but reveals the mystery of Calvary. Let this feast renew in us the sense that we are not our own—we were bought at a price (1 Cor 6:20). That price is the Blood of Christ.

“Blood of Christ, without which there is no forgiveness—save us.” 🔝

¹ Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, Vol. XIII: Time after Pentecost
² Heb 9:14–15
³ Bl. Ildefonso Schuster, The Sacramentary (Liber Sacramentorum), Vol. II
⁴ Council of Trent, Session XXII, Doctrine on the Sacrifice of the Mass
⁵ Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, ibid.




Forgotten Rubrics: Taking Holy Water

A Sign Almost Lost
In many Catholic churches today, the once instinctive gesture of taking holy water upon entering or exiting the church has been forgotten, neglected, or rendered vague by lack of instruction. What was once a vivid sacramental act—rich in symbolism and spiritual benefit—is now often reduced to a casual or even absent gesture. Yet in the Tridentine tradition and perennial Catholic practice, the use of holy water is a significant and efficacious act of devotion, intimately connected with our baptism, spiritual renewal, and protection from evil.

The Rubrical Act
The traditional custom is clear and purposeful: upon entering or exiting a Catholic church, the faithful dip the fingertips of the right hand into the holy water font (or stoup) and make the Sign of the Cross, saying silently (or aloud): In nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti. Amen. This action should not be hasty, nor mindless. It is a ritual act—a renewal of one’s baptismal promises and a request for divine assistance.

Dom Prosper Guéranger writes:

“The Church…has blessed the water, and mingled salt with it, in order to drive away the influence of the wicked spirits who hover about us. She invites the faithful to sign themselves with it, and the effect is so powerful that it remits venial sin.”¹

More Than a Mere Reminder
To take holy water is not merely to recall one’s baptism. It is to participate in a real sacramental—an outward sign instituted by the Church which, through her prayer, disposes the soul to receive grace and actual graces. The water is blessed with solemn prayers and exorcisms. The traditional blessing—exorcizote creatura aquae…—is a clear invocation of divine power over the devil, disease, and danger. To make the Sign of the Cross with such water is to claim again the promises of Christ crucified and risen.

St. Teresa of Avila testified:

“From long experience I have learned that there is nothing like holy water to put devils to flight and prevent them from coming back again.”²

Practical Rubrics to Recover

  1. Use the right hand to dip and sign. This is the traditional hand of blessing and dignity.
  2. Say the Trinitarian formula—In nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti—with attention.
  3. Make the Sign of the Cross reverently, touching forehead, chest, left shoulder, then right.
  4. Offer a short prayer, if possible, such as: “Wash me, O Lord, from my iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin.”
  5. Encourage children to learn and repeat the gesture properly, explaining its meaning.
  6. Remember its use upon exit, not only entrance—leaving the sanctuary strengthened anew.

A Weapon at the Threshold
In a secular age increasingly forgetful of spiritual realities, the humble stoup of holy water at the door of the church becomes a font of grace and a bulwark against evil. It should not be neglected or used irreverently. Rather, the faithful should be re-taught its significance and encouraged to reclaim this simple, powerful rubric.

Let the recovery of these “forgotten rubrics” begin not with elaborate ceremonies, but with the daily gestures that reorient the soul to God and remind the Christian of his baptismal consecration. In this way, even the most habitual motions become prayers—and the very act of crossing a threshold becomes an act of sanctification. 🔝

¹ Dom Prosper Guéranger, The Liturgical Year, Vol. I, Advent, on the Blessing of Holy Water.
² St. Teresa of Avila, Autobiography, Ch. 31.


5 Holy Doors: What Every Catholic Should Know Jubilee 2025

As the Church prepares to enter the 2025 Jubilee Year—the Jubilee of Hope—the faithful are being invited once again to pass through the Holy Doors of Rome, a rich and symbolic tradition signifying repentance, grace, and new life in Christ. This Jubilee, proclaimed by Pope Francis in his bull Spes Non Confundit (“Hope Does Not Disappoint”) on the feast of the Ascension, will begin on Christmas Eve, 2024, and conclude on the Epiphany, January 6, 2026.

The Five Holy Doors of Jubilee 2025
For this extraordinary Holy Year, five Holy Doors will be opened:

  1. St. Peter’s Basilica – opened by Pope Francis on Christmas Eve; it will also be the last to close on the Epiphany 2026.
  2. St. John Lateran – opened on Dec. 29, the feast of the Holy Family.
  3. St. Mary Major – opened on Jan. 1, the solemnity of Mary, Mother of God.
  4. St. Paul Outside the Walls – opened on Jan. 5.
  5. Rebibbia Prison Chapel – a Jubilee innovation: a Holy Door among the incarcerated, opened personally by the Pope.

The three major basilicas after St. Peter’s will close their Holy Doors on December 28, 2025, a week before the Jubilee ends.

What Is a Holy Door?
As Spes Non Confundit affirms, the Holy Door is a symbol of Christ Himself—“the door” (John 10:7) by which we enter into salvation. Pilgrims who pass through these doors with faith and contrition express their desire to leave behind sin and enter more deeply into communion with the Church.

St. John Paul II, in his own Jubilee bull Incarnationis Mysterium (1998), powerfully taught that the Holy Door “evokes the passage from sin to grace,” reminding the faithful that to pass through it is to “confess that Jesus Christ is Lord” and commit to the “new life” He offers.

Scriptural Roots and Patristic Imagery
The symbolism of the Holy Door is deeply scriptural:

  • “Knock, and the door shall be opened” (Luke 11:9)
  • “Behold, I stand at the door and knock” (Rev 3:20)
  • “I am the gate. Whoever enters by me will be saved” (John 10:9)

These verses are not mere metaphors but truths fulfilled in Christ, echoed by the Fathers of the Church. St. Augustine sees Christ as “the door by which the shepherds and sheep enter” (In Io. Ev. Tract. 47), while St. Gregory the Great writes, “He is the door because He opens the way to eternal life.”

A Tradition Rooted in History
The tradition of the Jubilee Year began with Pope Boniface VIII in 1300, though the practice of opening a Holy Door came later, first recorded in 1423 at St. John Lateran. In 1499, Pope Alexander VI extended the practice to the other three major basilicas of Rome. By the 16th century, Jubilee Years were fixed every 25 years—with extraordinary Jubilees proclaimed at the Pope’s discretion, such as 1933 (the 1900th anniversary of Redemption) and 2000.

Ritual and Symbolism
From 1525 to 1950, the Holy Door of St. Peter’s was walled up and ceremonially broken open with a silver hammer by the Pope. Since the Jubilee of 1975 and especially in 2000, greater emphasis has been placed on the door itself—now cast in bronze with 16 biblical bas-reliefs depicting the history of sin and redemption, from Adam and the Angel to the Good Thief, Thomas’ doubt, and the opening of the Holy Door itself.

As Cardinal Virgilio Noè once wrote: “The sixteen panels of the door are like the verses of a hymn, which sing of God’s infinite mercy.”

Mercy for the Incarcerated
In a striking gesture, Pope Francis has chosen to open one of the five Holy Doors at Rebibbia Prison, inviting prisoners to experience the mercy and hope of the Jubilee. In Spes Non Confundit, he urges that all prisoners “look to the future with hope and a renewed sense of confidence.” This aligns with his vision of a Church that reaches to the peripheries, a theme he consistently returns to in his pontificate.

Pastoral Significance
The Holy Doors are not talismans, but sacramental signs calling the faithful to conversion, penance, and spiritual renewal. They offer an opportunity for indulgences, as per the ordinary conditions: sacramental confession, reception of the Eucharist, and prayers for the intentions of the Holy Father.

As the master of papal liturgical celebrations has noted, the prayer used before opening the Holy Door is drawn from Luke 4:18, where Christ proclaims “a year of favor from the Lord.” The Church, continuing His mission, invites all to encounter the “Door of Hope” (Hosea 2:15) and to rediscover the promise of mercy and transformation.

Conclusion: The Door Is Open—But Must Be Crossed
Ultimately, the Holy Door confronts each Catholic with a decision. As John Paul II said, “To pass through that door means to confess that Jesus Christ is Lord.” It is an act of hope, an embrace of divine mercy, and a step toward renewal. As the 2025 Jubilee of Hope approaches, Catholics are called not merely to admire the door—but to walk through it. 🔝

  1. Spes Non Confundit, Bull of Indiction of the Jubilee Year 2025, Pope Francis, May 9, 2024.
  2. Incarnationis Mysterium, Bull of Indiction of the Great Jubilee of the Year 2000, Pope John Paul II, Nov 29, 1998.
  3. St. Augustine, Tractates on the Gospel of John, Tractate 47.
  4. St. Gregory the Great, Homilies on the Gospels, Homily 19.
  5. Cardinal Virgilio Noè, The Holy Door in St. Peter’s, Libreria Editrice Vaticana.
  6. Catechism of the Catholic Church, §§1471–1479, on indulgences and Jubilee participation.


The Cracked Foundation of Traditionis Custodes
Leaked Vatican Report Contradicts the Justification for Suppressing the Traditional Latin Mass

Thanks to the investigative work of journalist Diane Montagna, the long-suppressed overall assessment of the 2020 episcopal consultation on Summorum Pontificum, commissioned by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF), has now come to light.¹ Contrary to Pope Francis’s stated rationale, the majority of bishops did not demand its repeal; they cautioned that revoking Summorum would cause more harm than good and undermine the liturgical peace that had been achieved.²

A Narrative at Odds with the Evidence
Pope Francis claimed in Traditionis Custodes that he acted in response to bishops’ reports of division and pastoral abuse surrounding the Traditional Latin Mass.³ But the leaked CDF assessment—compiled by the Fourth Section of the Congregation—presents a strikingly different picture. Where bishops implemented Summorum Pontificum with pastoral prudence, the result was reconciliation and ecclesial peace.⁴ Resistance to the traditional liturgy came primarily from a minority of bishops who either misunderstood or rejected Pope Benedict XVI’s “hermeneutic of continuity.”⁵

This discrepancy did not go unnoticed by canon lawyer Fr. Gerald Murray, who remarked that the Vatican’s narrative reversal resembled earlier instances where Pope Francis restructured consultative processes to produce desired outcomes—as seen during the Synods on the Family.⁶ He and Robert Royal concurred: the pope appeared to have decided in advance on restricting the older liturgy and sought retroactive justification.

The Fruits of Summorum Pontificum
The CDF assessment—affirmed by both Montagna’s investigation and commentary from the Arroyo panel—identifies concrete fruits:
• Growth in vocations among Ecclesia Dei communities⁷
• A large share of young adults, converts, and reverts drawn to the TLM⁸
• Stability and unity in dioceses where clergy and bishops worked cooperatively⁹

As Fr. Murray noted, these communities often consisted of “young people with children”—a demographic that bishops struggling with declining attendance and vocations would otherwise welcome.¹⁰

The report also found that many bishops regarded the older liturgy as a “treasure” of the Church and a means of recovering coherence with the Church’s past.¹¹ Pope Benedict XVI’s goal of “mutual enrichment” between the two forms was beginning to bear fruit, especially in liturgical music and homiletic depth.

Warnings That Were Ignored
According to the CDF, many bishops foresaw that suppressing Summorum Pontificum would provoke renewed liturgical tensions, increase distrust toward Rome, and drive faithful toward the SSPX and other irregular groups.¹² Robert Royal noted the irony: these were stable, orthodox communities—often more engaged and obedient to their bishops than many others.¹³

Fr. Murray added that diocesan integration of the TLM had succeeded precisely because it had drawn people away from breakaway chapels and re-integrated them into diocesan life.¹⁴ This was the very pastoral fruit that Benedict XVI had hoped for.

Suppressing What Was Working
Despite these findings, Pope Francis personally intervened. According to Montagna, he demanded an early copy of the report from Cardinal Ladaria, then ignored its substance.¹⁵ The accompanying letter to Traditionis Custodes claimed widespread episcopal alarm over “divisions,” “exploitation,” and “disobedience.” But as Robert Royal pointed out, there was no widespread episcopal outcry at the time.¹⁶ This was a top-down decision, not a synodal one.

The panel suggested that the real reason for the suppression may have been discomfort with the natural comparison between the traditional and modern rites. Benedict’s vision allowed the two to exist side by side; Traditionis Custodes sought to eliminate the older as a point of reference.¹⁷

Let the People Choose
The report closes with the voice of a Filipino bishop: “Let the people be free to choose.”¹⁸ This simple pastoral principle stands in stark contrast to the forced exclusion of the Latin Mass from parish life under Traditionis Custodes. Detroit, for example, saw the TLM eliminated from 13 of 17 parishes as of 1 July 2025.¹⁹ The ban extended even to listing TLMs in bulletins—what Fr. Murray described as an unprecedented eviction of faithful Catholics worshipping according to a rite never abrogated.²⁰

The Deeper Issue: Vatican II and the Church’s Future
Underlying this debate is a profound question of identity. Fr. Murray observed that Traditionis Custodes reflects a vision of postconciliar rupture: one that sees pre–Vatican II liturgy as inherently dangerous or obsolete.²¹ Benedict XVI’s vision, by contrast, affirms that “what was sacred then remains sacred now.”²²

This question is not merely aesthetic. As Robert Royal noted, Vatican II proposed both aggiornamento and ressourcement—renewal and return to the sources.²³ Suppressing the traditional liturgy unbalances that vision, disconnecting the faithful from their roots.

What Must Be Done
Pope Leo XIV now faces a decision. Will he continue to enforce a policy built on selective reporting and ideological motives? Or will he, as the Arroyo panel urged, act with justice and restore stability by reversing or softening Traditionis Custodes?²⁴

Unity is not uniformity. The faithful do not ask for a new Church—they ask to remain connected to the Church they received from their fathers. A liturgy that formed saints, sustained centuries, and continues to inspire vocations must not be cast aside under the pretext of reform.

The Church belongs to all her children, and the Traditional Latin Mass is not a relic—it is a treasure. Let it be offered, reverently and generously, for the good of souls and the renewal of the Church. 🔝

¹ Diane Montagna, “EXCLUSIVE: Official Vatican Report Exposes Major Cracks in Foundation of Traditionis Custodes,” Substack, 1 July 2025.
² Ibid., citing the CDF’s Giudizio Complessivo.
³ Pope Francis, Traditionis Custodes, Letter to Bishops, 16 July 2021.
⁴ Montagna, citing diocesan experiences of stability under Summorum Pontificum.
⁵ Ibid., citing regions such as Italy and Spain where resistance persisted.
⁶ Fr. Gerald Murray, The Arroyo Grande Show, 2 July 2025, ~2:15–3:00.
⁷ CDF report cited in Montagna; confirmed in Arroyo Show, ~5:28–6:00.
⁸ Ibid., also cited by Arroyo, ~18:11–19:07.
⁹ Ibid., “dove il clero ha collaborato con il vescovo…”
¹⁰ Fr. Gerald Murray, Arroyo Show, ~6:00–6:45.
¹¹ CDF report quoted: “a treasure of the Church to be safeguarded…”
¹² Montagna, citing bishops’ concerns over schism and pastoral fallout.
¹³ Robert Royal, Arroyo Show, ~10:50–11:20.
¹⁴ Fr. Gerald Murray, Ibid.
¹⁵ Montagna, citing private audience with Cardinal Ladaria.
¹⁶ Robert Royal, Ibid., ~3:08–3:45.
¹⁷ Ibid., ~27:00–28:00.
¹⁸ CDF report, quoted in Montagna.
¹⁹ Arroyo, Arroyo Show, ~29:34–30:00.
²⁰ Fr. Gerald Murray, Ibid., ~30:00–31:00.
²¹ Ibid., ~25:00–26:30.
²² Benedict XVI, Summorum Pontificum, 2007.
²³ Robert Royal, Arroyo Show, ~23:00–23:50.
²⁴ Ibid., ~33:00–34:00.


Pope Leo XIV’s Early Appointments: Signals of a Pontificate Rooted in Diplomacy, Stability, and Reform

Less than three months into his pontificate, Pope Leo XIV has begun shaping the contours of his governance through a series of key appointments. While measured in number, the choices made so far suggest a pontificate oriented toward diplomatic engagement, practical reform, and a cautious continuity with the policies of his predecessors—particularly in matters of synodality and global outreach.

Interreligious Dialogue as Diplomatic Priority
The most notable signal came on 3 July, with the appointment of new members to the Dicastery for Interreligious Dialogue. Among those named were Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa (Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem), Cardinal Dominique Mathieu (Apostolic Vicar of Southern Arabia), Cardinal Tarcisio Kikuchi (Archbishop of Tokyo), and Archbishop Charles Jason Gordon of Port of Spain. The geographic spread—from the Holy Land to East Asia, and from the Islamic Gulf to the Caribbean—underscores the new pope’s intent to anchor his pontificate in global bridge-building.

Observers note that this group includes bishops with on-the-ground experience in Catholic–Muslim, Catholic–Jewish, and Catholic–Buddhist dialogue. The choice of Pizzaballa in particular—a seasoned mediator in the volatile Middle East—signals a renewed Vatican emphasis on peace diplomacy through religious engagement, likely anticipating a new papal voyage to the region, perhaps even Turkey, by year’s end¹.

A Quiet Continuity in the Curia
While many expected immediate structural changes in the Roman Curia, Pope Leo has so far opted for continuity. His appointment of Monsignor Renzo Pegoraro as President of the Pontifical Academy for Life, replacing Archbishop Vincenzo Paglia, retained the institution’s internal leadership. Pegoraro, a medical doctor and moral theologian, was Paglia’s longtime deputy and represents a technocratic rather than ideological choice.

This has been interpreted by some as a sign that Leo XIV does not intend to radically overhaul Pope Francis’ institutional reforms but will instead seek to recalibrate them with more consistent theological clarity. It remains to be seen whether this technocratic strategy will satisfy critics who have long accused the Academy for Life of doctrinal ambiguity.

Local Bishops and the Global Church
In episcopal appointments, Pope Leo’s first moves have likewise been discreet but telling. In May, he named auxiliary bishops in Callao, Peru, and in June, confirmed the appointment of Bishop Peter Wu Yishun in Fuzhou under the terms of the still-controversial Vatican–China provisional agreement².

The Fuzhou appointment drew particular attention. Despite the lack of transparency surrounding the agreement with Beijing, Leo’s willingness to proceed with episcopal confirmations indicates that he sees pastoral necessity in continuing the accord—if not without reservations. The appointment of bishops in regions where the Church faces real persecution reflects a preference for pastoral realism over ideological purity.

The Pallium and the Papal Finances
At the Mass for the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul on 29 June, Leo conferred the pallium on 54 new metropolitan archbishops, among them Archbishop Udumala Bala of Visakhapatnam, India³. The ceremonial investiture of these pallia—restored in recent years to highlight the role of the pope as a unifier of the episcopate—was accompanied by a sobering institutional announcement: the Vatican has launched a global fundraising campaign to address its €57–68 million deficit.

QR codes, multilingual appeals, and a dedicated digital platform mark a new phase of papal pragmatism. Rather than concealing its financial distress, the Vatican under Leo XIV is presenting it plainly and appealing for accountability from the faithful. The approach—more common in American diocesan fundraising than Roman bureaucracy—may reflect the pope’s cultural roots and desire for financial transparency.

Signs of a Governing Style
From these appointments and initiatives, a profile of Pope Leo XIV’s leadership style is beginning to emerge:

  • Diplomatic: Engagement with Islam, Judaism, and Asia has taken early precedence, with appointments favouring seasoned international prelates.
  • Pragmatic: Financial reform and logistical planning have featured prominently, including the appointment of José Nahúm Salas Castañeda to oversee papal travel.
  • Continuist, with Distinction: Rather than reversing Francis-era trajectories, Leo seems inclined to redirect them with firmer doctrinal grounding and administrative coherence.

Whether this governing style will yield renewal or frustration depends largely on how Leo navigates the next phase: addressing tensions within the episcopate, clarifying the Church’s moral voice, and reforming Vatican governance at a deeper structural level.

Conclusion
The early appointments of Pope Leo XIV suggest a pontificate more pastoral than polemical, more reforming than revolutionary. It is a papacy thus far marked by gravitas rather than theatre—seeking to restore trust not through grand gestures, but by reweaving the delicate fabric of ecclesial communion, diplomatic responsibility, and missionary fidelity.

As one Vatican source remarked anonymously this week, “He is moving quietly. But each move matters.” 🔝

  1. Vatican Press Office Bulletin, Appointments to the Dicastery for Interreligious Dialogue, 3 July 2025.
  2. Catholic News Agency, “Pope Leo XIV Approves Bishop Appointment in China under Provisional Accord,” 24 June 2025.
  3. Times of India, “Archbishop Udumala Bala Receives Pallium from Pope Leo XIV,” 30 June 2025.
  4. Associated Press, “Pope Launches Global Campaign to Reduce Vatican Budget Deficit,” 29 June 2025.
  5. Exaudi.org, “Leo XIV Begins to Shape His Pontificate with First Appointments,” 21 June 2025.

The “Mass for the Care of Creation”: Innovation or Ideological Liturgy?

On 9 July 2025, Pope Leo XIV is scheduled to celebrate a new liturgical formulary entitled the “Mass for the Care of Creation.” Approved by the Dicastery for Divine Worship and published in the Appendix to the Roman Missal for Special Intentions, this Mass was developed in response to Laudato Si’ and subsequent papal calls for ecological conversion. Billed as an expression of concern for “our common home,” the new liturgy has been described by supporters as a prophetic sign of the Church’s environmental witness.

Yet the initiative has not been met with universal acclaim. Among liturgical traditionalists, theologians, and clergy who adhere to the perennial Roman Rite, the development has prompted critical scrutiny—not merely for its novelty, but for what it reveals about the ongoing reform of the liturgy, the ideological instrumentalisation of the sacraments, and the risk of displacing theocentric worship with anthropocentric concerns.

A New Missa Pro Terra?
The Mass for the Care of Creation includes a newly composed Preface, modified Collect, and options for readings drawn from Genesis 1, Psalm 104, and Pauline exhortations to stewardship. The collect prays: “O God, who have entrusted the earth to our care as a sign of your covenant love, grant that we, mindful of our shared home, may cherish with reverence the gifts of creation.” It omits direct mention of sin, redemption, or the Cross.

Supporters claim that the Mass aligns with the Season of Creation and complements the votive Masses already found in the Missal—such as for Rain, for Fine Weather, or for the Propagation of the Faith. Cardinal Pedro López, Prefect of the Dicastery, called the Mass “a liturgical expression of integral ecology… rooting the Church’s ecological mission in Eucharistic sacrifice.”

A Traditionalist Appraisal
Traditionalist commentators, however, raise several theological and liturgical objections.

1. A Shift from Sacrifice to Sentiment
Dr. Peter Kwasniewski, writing recently in New Liturgical Movement, warned that the new formulary reflects the postconciliar trend toward horizontalism: “The Holy Sacrifice of the Mass is not a classroom nor a lobbying platform. The Cross of Christ is not a metaphor for sustainable energy policy.”

Critics argue that the Mass for the Care of Creation represents a continuing redefinition of liturgy as expression of values rather than act of divine worship. By focusing on temporal goals—however laudable—they say the Mass risks becoming an instrument of moral activism, not theocentric sacrifice. As Pope Pius XII taught in Mediator Dei, the Mass is above all the renewal of Christ’s redemptive sacrifice, not a human-centred gathering for the affirmation of ideals.

2. Confusion of Ends and Means
The Traditional Roman Rite already contains prayers for creation—not as ends in themselves, but as means to sanctification. Prayers for rain, harvest, or deliverance from storms appear in the Rogation Days and Ember Days. Yet they are framed within a penitential and sacrificial context, often linked to the sins of men and the justice of God.

The Care of Creation Mass, by contrast, reframes man as caretaker of the world rather than as a penitent creature in need of grace. There is no petition for the forgiveness of humanity’s offenses against the Creator, nor any reference to the eschatological renewal of the cosmos in Christ—a theme prominent in Scripture and patristic writings.

3. The Ideological Liturgy Problem
Some theologians express concern that the new Mass is a further step toward politicised liturgy. In the past decade, liturgical innovations have been tied to migration, climate, and social justice narratives, often aligned with secular political agendas. Bishop Athanasius Schneider has frequently warned that “a liturgy tailored to fashionable causes loses its universality and risks becoming a tool of ideological messaging.”

Traditionalists fear that the Mass for the Care of Creation participates in what Joseph Ratzinger once called “the manipulation of the liturgy.” In The Spirit of the Liturgy, Ratzinger decried the temptation to make liturgy a mirror of current cultural anxieties rather than an entry into the eternal worship of heaven.

4. Ecclesiological Discontinuity
Lastly, the development of new liturgical formularies without reference to tradition raises questions of ecclesiological rupture. Traditional Catholics point out that the usus antiquior—the Traditional Latin Mass—underwent organic development for over a millennium. The postconciliar habit of innovation by committee, often with thin theological grounding and rapid canonical insertion, represents a break from this continuity.

Pope Benedict XVI had sought to encourage mutual enrichment between the rites; yet critics say the unilateral imposition of novel formularies—especially when tied to a particular encyclical or papal initiative—replaces the slow discernment of tradition with the top-down fiat of bureaucratic liturgists.

Conclusion
Few traditional Catholics dispute the importance of responsible stewardship of the earth. Creation is a gift, not an idol. But reverence for nature must be ordered to the worship of the Creator, not reoriented into a quasi-religious environmentalism. The Mass for the Care of Creation, in its current form, appears to invert that hierarchy.

The Church’s liturgy is not a tool for activism, however well-meaning. It is the mystical participation in the eternal Sacrifice of Calvary. And if that is obscured—even in the name of justice—the faithful will not draw closer to God, nor the world be healed. 🔝

  1. Missale Romanum. Appendix: Missa pro Cura Creationis, Vatican Press, 2025.
  2. Mediator Dei, Pius XII, §§48–52.
  3. Peter Kwasniewski, “The Ideological Instrumentalization of the Liturgy,” New Liturgical Movement, July 2025.
  4. Joseph Ratzinger, The Spirit of the Liturgy, Ignatius Press, 2000, ch. 3.
  5. Bishop Athanasius Schneider, Christus Vincit, Angelico Press, 2019.
  6. Season of Creation materials, Laudato Si’ Movement, 2023–2025.

The Epistemological Crisis of Hyperpapalism
How Nominalism, Voluntarism, and Positivism Destroyed the Catholic Mind

In the wake of the recent revelations surrounding Traditionis Custodes, the mask has slipped. For nearly four years, defenders of the motu proprio insisted that Pope Francis was simply responding to the bishops’ survey—a rational process informed by pastoral concerns. Yet with the leak of the Vatican’s own internal assessment (which confirmed that most bishops saw no problem with the Traditional Latin Mass), the narrative abruptly changed¹.

Suddenly, we were told that the pope had acted despite the bishops’ responses. That his own judgment superseded theirs. That he saw “problems” elsewhere. That “he’s the pope,” and as such, he doesn’t need to justify himself to anyone. That if he destroys the spiritual lives of Catholics who found joy and peace through the traditional rites, “them’s the breaks,” and we should all just get over it.

This is more than just gaslighting. It’s more than ecclesiastical spin. It reveals an underlying epistemological collapse in much of contemporary Catholic thought—a collapse best described as a combination of nominalism, voluntarism, and positivism.

From Tradition to Will: The Triumph of Nominalism
The pre-modern Catholic tradition—rooted in Scripture, the Fathers, and scholastic realism—held that truth is knowable, tradition is authoritative, and the pope is a guardian, not a creator, of doctrine². But nominalism—first injected into theology by William of Ockham and later reinforced by modern rationalist thought—denies the existence of real universals or essences³. There is no such thing as a “nature” of the Church or a “substance” of tradition; there are only names, labels, and arbitrary associations. Once this view infects ecclesiology, it becomes easy to see liturgical tradition not as the organically developed expression of the Church’s faith, but as a mere historical accident, changeable at will.

Voluntarism and the Papal Will as Law
Voluntarism builds on nominalism by asserting that will precedes reason—and when applied to God, it sees divine action as arbitrary rather than ordered by wisdom⁴. In the papal context, this becomes the belief that the pope’s decisions are valid and good simply because he wills them. There is no need to evaluate his actions against prior tradition, common good, or theological consistency. As many “popesplainers” now claim: if the pope suppressed the TLM, then it is automatically just, even if it defies the expressed consensus of bishops or centuries of prior magisterium⁵.

In this scheme, to question a papal act is not just disobedient—it is epistemologically impossible. One cannot appeal to reason, evidence, or tradition. The will of the pope is the first principle.

Positivism: Ecclesial Acts as Self-Justifying
Lastly, we must name the juridical positivism now rampant in Church governance. Canon law, in the classical sense, presupposes justice, reason, and custom⁶. But modern ecclesial positivism treats every papal act as self-legitimating. The issuance of a motu proprio becomes its own justification. There is no longer a recognition of the ius divinum, the divine and natural law that binds even popes. Instead, authority becomes procedural and performative⁷.

The Search for a New Cartesian Rock
Having lost confidence in objective tradition, rational consistency, and theological realism, many Catholics instinctively reach for a new epistemic foundation. Like Descartes seeking one indubitable truth in the ruins of philosophical certainty, they now grasp at the person of the pope—not as a successor of Peter guided by tradition, but as a free-floating source of certainty. Whatever he says, that is the truth. Whatever he does, that is the good. “He’s the pope,” they say, as if that ends the conversation.

But this is not the Catholic faith. It is not the doctrine of Vatican I, which defined papal infallibility within strict conditions⁸, not as a blank cheque. It is not the theology of St. Thomas⁹, St. Robert Bellarmine¹⁰, or Cajetan¹¹, all of whom affirmed the possibility of papal error, and the duty to resist novelties that threaten the faith. And it is not the mind of the Church, which through centuries of saints and councils has testified to the primacy of truth over persons, and of tradition over innovation.

The Tragedy of Deformation
The tragedy here is not merely theoretical. It is pastoral and spiritual. It is the tragedy of souls denied the riches of their heritage. Of faithful Catholics—young families, converts, seminarians—told that their love for the TLM is a threat, that their piety is “divisive,” that their devotion must be punished. And it is the tragedy of bishops and priests who know better, but dare not speak, lest they be branded disloyal.

This crisis will not be resolved by rhetorical acrobatics or appeals to raw power. It will only be resolved by a return to realism, tradition, and truth—to a Catholic epistemology grounded not in arbitrary will, but in the Logos.

For only the Truth can make us free. 🔝

  1. Diane Montagna, “Leaked Vatican Document Contradicts ‘Traditionis Custodes’ Justification,” The Remnant, June 2025.
  2. Vatican I, Dei Filius, ch. 2: “Faith and Reason.” Cf. De Ecclesia Christi (Bellarmine), Book III.
  3. Etienne Gilson, The Spirit of Mediaeval Philosophy, esp. chs. 4–6.
  4. Joseph Owens, An Elementary Christian Metaphysics, on divine simplicity and will.
  5. See the papalist shift post-Traditionis Custodes in the statements of figures like Massimo Faggioli and Austen Ivereigh.
  6. Gratian, Decretum, Dist. 1; St. Thomas, Summa Theologiae, I-II, Q.95, a.2: “On Human Law.”
  7. Charles De Koninck, The Primacy of the Common Good Against the Personalists, trans. McInerny.
  8. Vatican I, Pastor Aeternus, ch. 4: “On the Infallible Teaching Authority of the Roman Pontiff.”
  9. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II-II, Q.104, a.5: “Whether Subjects Are Bound to Obey Their Superiors in All Things?”
  10. St. Robert Bellarmine, De Romano Pontifice, Book II, ch. 29: “A Pope Who Is a Manifest Heretic Ceases to Be Pope.”
  11. Cardinal Cajetan, De Comparatione Auctoritatis Papae et Concilii, ch. 27: “In Case of Error, a Pope Must Be Resisted.”

Canterbury Turns Back to Becket: Saints, Shrines, and the Return of Catholic Memory

On July 7, 2025, in a moment heavy with both irony and significance, the Roman Catholic Church will offer the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass in Canterbury Cathedral, the symbolic heart of Anglicanism. The celebrant will be none other than Archbishop Miguel Maury Buendía, the Apostolic Nuncio to the United Kingdom. The occasion? The feast of the Translation of St Thomas Becket, commemorating the solemn enshrinement of the martyr’s relics in the high altar of Canterbury Cathedral in 1220.

The Mass will not be a mere ecumenical gesture. Those present may obtain a plenary indulgence, by the authority of the Apostolic Penitentiary under the Jubilee Year declared by the late Pope Francis¹. It is a scene that would have startled Thomas Cranmer, Thomas Cromwell, and Henry VIII himself — a papal legate, honoring a papally canonized saint, offering the very rite that the Reformation claimed to replace, in the very place it overthrew.

St Thomas Becket, martyred in 1170 by knights loyal to King Henry II, quickly became a symbol of resistance to royal interference in the Church. His cult, promoted across Christendom, brought pilgrims in droves to Canterbury until it was violently suppressed under Henry VIII in 1538². Becket’s shrine was dismantled, his relics scattered, and even his name stricken from public memory by royal decree. Now, nearly five centuries later, a relic — a bone rescued and preserved by English recusants — will return to the cathedral, carried solemnly from the local Catholic parish of St Thomas of Canterbury³.

This event is not an isolated anomaly. It reflects a wider and curious phenomenon: the renewed presence of relics and saintly shrines in the cathedrals of the Church of England — many of them restored with Catholic assistance. In Hereford Cathedral, the shrine of St Thomas of Cantilupe was re-established in 2008 with relics loaned by the Jesuits⁴. At Lichfield Cathedral, the bones of St Chad, first bishop of Lichfield, were received from the Catholic Cathedral of St Chad in Birmingham in 2022⁵. And at St Albans, the shrine of Britain’s proto-martyr now holds a bone returned from Germany, gifted before the Reformation and repatriated to English soil⁶.

Anglican leaders, while reticent to speak in the language of “relics” and “veneration,” acknowledge the emotional and spiritual power of these returns. “The language of relics does not come naturally to many Anglicans,” Bishop Michael Ipgrave of Lichfield said, “but we do use the language and practice of memory and remembering”⁷. That memory, however, is not passive nostalgia. It has provoked renewed pilgrimage, intercession, and what some might call a rediscovery of Catholic forms beneath Anglican forms. Lichfield Cathedral, for example, saw visitor numbers increase from 100,000 in 2013 to over 142,000 in 2024 following the restoration of the shrine⁸.

This spiritual thaw has not gone unnoticed by the Catholic hierarchy. Archbishop Bernard Longley of Birmingham remarked that “the veneration of relics and their enclosure in altars comes from the earliest days of the Church… The tradition encourages us to reflect on their lives as signposts of faith”⁹. He confirmed that Catholics who make pilgrimage to Lichfield to venerate Chad’s relics may, under the Jubilee provisions, also obtain an indulgence¹⁰.

Yet there is a theological tension in this phenomenon. The very practices that provoked the Protestant Reformation — devotion to saints, pilgrimages, indulgences — are reappearing, recontextualised by Anglicans as cultural heritage, liturgical memory, or ecumenical hospitality. But can one host the relic of a Catholic saint without eventually confronting the Church that canonized him? Can memory be so neatly separated from veneration when candles are lit, prayers are offered, and bones are enshrined?

These are not idle questions. The revival of shrines in Anglican cathedrals suggests not merely a renewed interest in history but a recognition — perhaps unconscious — of a spiritual lack. Where doctrine has dissolved into ambiguity, symbol and sacrament offer a kind of stability. Where ecclesial structures falter, the bones of the saints still speak. As Chaucer’s pilgrims once journeyed to Canterbury in search of healing, grace, and penance, so too modern Britain seems — perhaps fumblingly — to be searching again.

The irony is sharp. Indulgences, mocked in the Canterbury Tales and condemned by reformers as simony, are once again being preached, though now with catechesis, not commerce¹¹. Relics, once derided as superstitious trinkets, are now handled with reverence and encased in commissioned reliquaries. The Mass, once exiled, now returns — still in Latin, and offered upon the altar where Becket’s shrine once stood.

This is not yet reunion. But it is remembrance. And in the strange liturgy of history, remembrance — rightly ordered — is often the first gesture of restoration. 🔝

¹ Pope Francis declared 2025 a Jubilee Year of Hope. Indulgences for the faithful are granted under the norms of Indulgentiarum Doctrina (1967), §§6–9.
² The shrine of St Thomas Becket was destroyed in 1538 under Henry VIII, who also ordered all references to Becket erased from public records and calendars.
³ The relic of St Thomas Becket now held by St Thomas’s Catholic parish in Canterbury is a bone fragment preserved by recusant Catholics after the Reformation.
⁴ The shrine of St Thomas of Cantilupe in Hereford was restored with relics loaned by the Jesuits in 2008, reviving devotion suppressed since 1538.
⁵ The Catholic Archdiocese of Birmingham gifted a relic of St Chad to Lichfield Cathedral in 2022, nearly 500 years after the original shrine’s destruction.
⁶ The relic of St Alban was returned to the eponymous cathedral by a German Catholic church. It is believed to have been gifted to a German cleric before the Reformation.
⁷ Quoted in the July 2025 Religion News Service report by Catherine Pepinster, “Catholic Mass in Anglicanism’s home cathedral taps UK vogue for saints’ relics.”
⁸ Data from Wolverhampton University’s study on Lichfield pilgrimage and cathedral visitor figures (2024).
⁹ Archbishop Bernard Longley, quoted in diocesan press release at the time of the 2022 translation of St Chad’s relic to Lichfield.
¹⁰ As confirmed by Archbishop Longley, pilgrims fulfilling the usual Jubilee conditions may gain a plenary indulgence by visiting the shrine.
¹¹ Geoffrey Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (late 14th century) famously mocked the pardoner and the selling of indulgences, echoing medieval critiques of ecclesiastical corruption later weaponized by reformers.


Title: When Conscience Is Convenient: Communion, Catholic Witness, and the Case of Chris Coghlan MP

A priest’s fidelity exposes the uncomfortable truth about faith, politics, and pastoral integrity

When Fr Ian Vane, parish priest of St Joseph’s Catholic Church in Dorking, denied Holy Communion to Liberal Democrat MP Chris Coghlan, he set off a national debate that has since escalated into formal complaint and ecclesiastical scrutiny. The controversy centres not merely on an act of sacramental discipline, but on the deeper tension between public Catholic identity and private political compromise.

The Background
In June 2025, Parliament held a free vote on the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, which would legalise assisted suicide for those diagnosed with terminal illnesses. As is customary with matters of grave moral weight, the party whips were suspended, giving MPs liberty to vote according to conscience. In theory, this should have enabled Catholic MPs to act in fidelity to the Church’s unambiguous condemnation of euthanasia. Yet Chris Coghlan, the newly elected MP for Dorking & Horley—and a professed Catholic—voted in favour, justifying his decision by citing the apparent wishes of a majority of his constituents.

This rationale reveals a fundamental misunderstanding of a free vote, which is not designed to serve populist deference, but to enable MPs to act according to their own moral convictions, particularly where they have strong religious or ethical formation. In opting to reflect public opinion rather than personal belief or Church teaching, Mr Coghlan hollowed out the very principle that gives a free vote its moral legitimacy.

The Priest Responds
Fr Ian Vane, recognising the public scandal caused by a Catholic MP supporting such legislation, acted in accordance with Canon 915 of the Church’s Code of Canon Law. The canon obliges ministers to deny Holy Communion to those who “obstinately persist in manifest grave sin.” Given the moral gravity of the issue, the public nature of the act, and the absence of any sign of repentance, Fr Vane judged that sacramental discipline was not only justified but pastorally necessary.

In a sermon following the vote, Fr Vane named Mr Coghlan directly and announced that he would not be admitted to Communion unless he publicly retracted his support for the bill. The action, while bold, was consistent with Catholic pastoral tradition and with the expectations of priests when confronted with public figures whose actions contradict core tenets of the faith.

The Escalation
Rather than seeking reconciliation or clarification with his pastor, Mr Coghlan responded by lodging a formal complaint with Bishop Richard Moth, accusing Fr Vane of acting “outrageously” and claiming his actions undermined “the legitimacy of religious institutions in public life.” The irony of the charge is difficult to miss: it is not the priest, but the MP—by supporting a bill which Cardinal Vincent Nichols warned would jeopardise the future of Catholic hospices, nursing homes, and medical institutions—who threatens the legitimacy and viability of religious witness in the public square¹.

The Diocese of Arundel and Brighton has acknowledged receipt of the complaint and confirmed that contact was made with Mr Coghlan to offer dialogue. However, Church authorities have shown no sign of retreating from Fr Vane’s principled stand. Indeed, Cardinal Nichols’ continued public statements reinforce the broader pastoral and institutional concern over the bill’s implications.

The Broader Implications
At the heart of this incident lies a central question: what does it mean to be a Catholic in public life? The Church does not expect political representatives to impose Catholicism on a pluralist society, but it does expect them, particularly when granted the freedom of conscience, to act in accord with divine and natural law. Euthanasia is not a grey area. It is, as St John Paul II declared in Evangelium Vitae, “a grave violation of the law of God.”

By invoking constituent sentiment in a free vote, Mr Coghlan effectively outsourced his conscience, undermining both the moral purpose of parliamentary liberty and the witness of faith he claims to hold. Meanwhile, Fr Vane, by applying the Church’s discipline with sobriety and courage, has defended not only the integrity of the Eucharist, but the credibility of Catholic witness.

Conclusion
This is not merely a pastoral disagreement or a media flashpoint—it is a parable for our age. As the state grows ever bolder in its redefinition of life, death, and morality, the Church will be increasingly forced to choose between consolation and confrontation, between quiet acquiescence and visible fidelity. In denying Communion, Fr Vane did not politicise the altar. He preserved it.

It remains to be seen whether his bishop will support him openly, whether Mr Coghlan will reconsider his position, or whether this will become yet another case in which Catholic identity is sacrificed on the altar of political convenience. But for now, one thing is clear: the cost of telling the truth, even quietly from the pulpit, is rising—and those willing to pay it are few. 🔝

¹ Cardinal Vincent Nichols, statement ahead of the Second Reading of the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, 20 June 2025: “Should this Bill pass, Catholic hospices, care homes, and medical institutions would be placed in an impossible situation—expected either to cooperate in euthanasia or face regulatory and legal pressures which could make continued operation untenable.”
² Code of Canon Law, Can. 915: “Those who have been excommunicated or interdicted after the imposition or declaration of the penalty and others who obstinately persist in manifest grave sin are not to be admitted to Holy Communion.”
³ Evangelium Vitae, St John Paul II, 1995, §65.
⁴ House of Commons Library Briefing Paper CBP-7465: “Free Votes in the House of Commons,” 2021.
⁵ Catholic News Agency, “British MP Chris Coghlan criticizes Catholic priest Father Ian Vane for refusing Holy Communion over Bill,” 27 June 2025.
⁶ Diocese of Arundel and Brighton, Press Office Statement, 1 July 2025.


A schedule for the week of April 5, 2025, detailing liturgical events, feasts, and notable observances.


Trump’s “Big, Beautiful Bill” and the Betrayal of the Common Good
How OBBBA reshapes the moral fabric of American governance—and what Catholic social teaching demands in response

In a razor-thin 218–214 vote just before Independence Day, the U.S. House of Representatives passed President Trump’s cornerstone legislative package: the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA). Lauded by its supporters as a victory for national renewal and economic liberty, and signed within hours at a festive ceremony, the bill represents the most sweeping transformation of federal priorities since the 1980s.

But behind its patriotic fanfare and populist branding lies a sobering reality: millions of the poor, sick, elderly, and working-class families will suffer.

Structural Features of the Bill
The bill is structured around five primary pillars:

  1. Tax Code Overhaul:
    Trump-era individual and corporate tax cuts are extended indefinitely. New deductions for overtime pay, elder care, and service workers’ tips are introduced—popular with certain voter blocs, but skewed in overall benefit. The top 1% of earners are projected to gain over $120,000 per year from the changes, while the bottom 60% will receive, on average, less than $800 annually¹.
  2. Welfare Retrenchment:
    Cuts exceeding $1.2 trillion over ten years are applied to:
    • Medicaid: Eligibility caps and new work requirements could remove up to 12 million low-income adults from coverage, especially in Southern states where expansion was already limited².
    • SNAP (food stamps): Reforms tighten income thresholds, reimpose time limits for adults without dependents, and reduce benefit calculations, affecting 6.8 million people³.
    • Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF): Funding is frozen, effectively reducing aid as inflation and need increase.
  3. Military and Border Expansion:
    • $120 billion increase to the Department of Defense, primarily for weapons systems and cyber-warfare infrastructure.
    • $50 billion for border enforcement, including new physical barriers, detention centres, and aerial surveillance—doubling ICE funding from pre-pandemic levels⁴.
  4. Climate Reversal:
    • All federal clean-energy tax credits are phased out over three years. Solar, wind, and EV subsidies are eliminated.
    • Federal lands opened to oil and gas leases; EPA regulations relaxed on methane and water standards.
  5. Debt Ceiling Increase:
    • The statutory limit is raised by $5 trillion, with no offsetting revenue sources—risking further credit downgrades⁵.

The Human Consequences
What does this mean for ordinary Americans?

  • A single mother working two part-time jobs will now be required to document consistent employment to retain her children’s Medicaid access—even if unstable hours or illness make that impossible.
  • An elderly widow receiving SNAP assistance will see her monthly food budget fall by $70, with no corresponding rise in pension or housing support.
  • A disabled man in a rural area may lose both his healthcare provider and his energy assistance while watching his rent increase and his town’s only clinic shut its doors due to lack of funding.

Economists at the Brookings Institution and Urban Institute estimate that poverty rates could increase by 15% nationwide, with Black and Hispanic households disproportionately affected due to demographic reliance on targeted programs⁶.

A Theological Reckoning
The bill is not merely a matter of economics. It poses a grave moral and spiritual question: what kind of society are we choosing to become?

Catholic social teaching, especially as developed in Rerum Novarum, Quadragesimo Anno, and Caritas in Veritate, insists upon the inviolable dignity of every human person, and calls for a state that promotes the common good, not only economic efficiency. Key principles violated by this legislation include:

  • Preferential Option for the Poor: “The obligation to provide justice for all means that the poor have the single most urgent economic claim on the conscience of the nation” (USCCB, Economic Justice for All, §86). This bill discards that claim.
  • Subsidiarity: Rather than empowering local clinics and communities, OBBBA imposes top-down cuts and bureaucratic restrictions, hollowing out civil society and Church-based services.
  • Solidarity: By pitting taxpayer against recipient, and prioritising power over mercy, the bill fractures national unity and moral cohesion.

The Illusion of Prosperity
Some argue that the bill encourages work and responsibility. But when those unable to work—due to disability, caretaking, or economic dislocation—are punished, the state ceases to be a steward of justice and becomes an instrument of oppression. Pope Francis has repeatedly warned against the “throwaway culture” that deems human lives expendable in the name of growth.

Moreover, the bill offers no path to long-term fiscal sustainability. Tax cuts for the wealthy, even if temporarily stimulative, are coupled with soaring military expenditures and no systemic entitlement reform. This is not responsible governance—it is fiscal theatre masking social abandonment.

The Church Must Respond

  • Parish Charities Will Be Overwhelmed: Caritas, Catholic Charities, and diocesan aid programs already operating on razor-thin margins will face a tidal wave of new need—especially in inner cities and rural dioceses.
  • Silence is Complicity: Bishops, priests, and laity must recover their prophetic voice. As Pope Benedict XVI warned, “Without truth, charity degenerates into sentimentality.” We must name this bill for what it is: a rejection of Christian charity in favour of Caesar’s favour.
  • The Witness of Works: The corporal works of mercy—feeding the hungry, sheltering the homeless, healing the sick—must become not just acts of kindness, but acts of resistance to a regime of indifference.

Conclusion
Trump’s “Big, Beautiful Bill” is a legal monument to political dominance—but a spiritual monument to moral decay. It tells the poor: you are on your own. It tells the Church: stand aside. But to that, the Gospel answers: No. We will not stand aside. We will kneel with the suffering, speak for the voiceless, and serve until Caesar’s law bends before Christ’s reign. 🔝

¹ Congressional Budget Office, “Distributional Effects of OBBBA,” June 2025.
² Kaiser Family Foundation, “Projected Medicaid Losses under OBBBA,” July 2025.
³ USDA Office of Policy Support, SNAP Forecasting Report, 2025.
⁴ Homeland Security Appropriations Summary, July 2025.
⁵ Moody’s Investor Services, “U.S. Fiscal Outlook Post-OBBBA,” July 2025.
⁶ Brookings Institution, “Poverty and Welfare Impacts of the One Big Beautiful Bill,” July 2025.


Why Starmer Is Doomed: The Collapse of State Legitimacy in Britain
An analysis of Aris Roussinos’ 4 July 2025 essay

The central thesis of Aris Roussinos’ striking essay for UnHerd is that the United Kingdom is not merely experiencing governmental incompetence or party-political fatigue—it is undergoing a full-blown crisis of state legitimacy, paralleling the late-Soviet collapse. Sir Keir Starmer, far from being a stabilising figure, is cast as the emblem of a dying regime, the final caretaker of a political order that no longer commands the allegiance of its people.

The Starmer Government’s Swift Decline
Roussinos opens with a blunt observation: the euphoric optimism surrounding Labour’s landslide in 2024 has, within a single year, disintegrated. The symbolism of a weeping Chancellor and a leader adrift is less about Starmer personally than about the hollowness of the system he represents. Though Labour has a historic majority, it lacks power—hemmed in by its own contradictions, paralysed by factionalism, and alienated from a fracturing electorate.

A Structural Crisis, Not a Leadership Crisis
This is not merely the story of another failed premiership. Roussinos insists, drawing on the example of late 19th-century Ireland and Soviet Russia, that Britain’s problem is structural: a loss of legitimacy, authority, and cohesion. The UK’s governing class, he argues, is attempting to command a nation it no longer understands, let alone represents. Even existential threats—like warnings of war—fail to galvanise a population that feels alienated from the state itself.

The state is increasingly regarded not as a neutral arbiter or protector of the common good, but as an occupying structure imposed on the historical and cultural identity of the native population. Like the USSR in the late 1980s, the UK faces what John Hutchinson called a “blocked mobility” crisis, wherein a new counter-elite—composed of disaffected graduates and intellectuals on the Right—emerges to contest the legitimacy of the state through cultural nationalism.

From Blair’s ‘New Britain’ to Post-UK Nationalism
Roussinos sees Tony Blair’s constitutional reforms and demographic changes as the founding act of a new polity—what some now disparagingly call “Yookay.” This new state, globalist in orientation and deliberately post-national in identity, stands in tension with the historical concept of Britain as a culturally cohesive nation. The backlash, he argues, is the logical outgrowth of this social engineering.

Lord Frost’s distinction between “Britain” and “Yookay” captures a growing mood: that the current UK is not merely declining but illegitimate, a Blairite successor state built atop the ruins of real Britain. This view, increasingly mainstream on the Right, mirrors how post-Soviet Russian nationalism distinguished Russia from the USSR.

The Lessons of the USSR’s Collapse
Drawing on Hutchinson’s 1994 Modern Nationalism, Roussinos maps the parallels between Soviet disintegration and the UK’s present trajectory. As ethnic Russians once withdrew their support from a Soviet state they felt no longer served them, so too, he argues, are the British retreating from a UK state they see as alien. The legitimacy of civic identity, which once united a multinational UK, is being replaced by a resurgent ethnic and cultural nationalism—particularly English.

In this light, Starmer is not a leader with a vision, but an empty figurehead presiding over an accelerating collapse. He is to Britain what Gorbachev was to the USSR: a reformer fatally out of sync with the nation’s mood, unable to either uphold the old order or birth a new one.

What Comes After Starmer?
Perhaps the most ominous note is Roussinos’ speculation about what might follow the breakdown. The Reform Party, led by Nigel Farage, is seen not as the populist climax but as the last gasp of a system trying to save itself through controlled opposition. More radical currents—like Rupert Lowe’s “Restore Britain” or Robert Jenrick’s nationalist rhetoric—may more accurately reflect the emerging future.

“Restore Britain” is not just a slogan but a mission to dismantle Blair’s constitutional legacy and reinstate a culturally coherent state—one that answers the anxieties over demographic change, sovereignty, and cultural fragmentation. Whether this vision can be achieved peacefully, or will instead lead to confrontation, remains the open question.

Conclusion: A Historic Interregnum
We are living, Roussinos argues, not in a time of routine political change, but in an interregnum—a term borrowed from Gramsci to describe the unstable middle period when the old has died but the new cannot yet be born. In this context, personalities matter little. Starmer, like others who will follow, is caught in a current beyond his control. The real question is not whether he survives but what replaces the failing order he represents.

Whether one fears the nationalist reaction or welcomes it as a return to sanity, Roussinos’ essay makes clear: the centre cannot hold. The UK’s problem is no longer about policy, party, or prime minister. It is about legitimacy, identity, and the very survival of the state. 🔝

  1. Andrew Marr, BBC Question Time commentary and later article on “race war” anxieties.
  2. Tom McTague, New Statesman, on Starmer as “the last leader of the old normal.”
  3. John Hutchinson, Modern Nationalism (1994), on cultural nationalism, blocked mobility, and the Soviet Union.
  4. Lord Frost on the distinction between “Britain” and “Yookay.”
  5. Robert Jenrick on the collapse of the old order and the political interregnum.
  6. Analogies with Soviet Russia’s ethnic crisis and political collapse post-Gorbachev.

Three New Political Movements Signal Britain’s Growing Political Fragmentation

In a striking sign of realignment across the British political spectrum, three new political movements were launched this past week, each positioning itself as a corrective to the failures of the status quo. After one year of Labour government under Sir Keir Starmer, the initial aura of managerial competence and electoral consensus has eroded. Rising disaffection, policy inertia, and a deepening ideological void have left many voters politically homeless. The new movements—two from the populist Right and one from the socialist Left—each claim to speak for a silenced moral majority.

The Independent Left: Corbyn and Sultana Break Away
On 3 July, Zarah Sultana MP resigned from the Labour Party and announced the formation of a new left-wing movement, co-led with former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn. Although the name has yet to be finalised, media reports have referred to the project as the “Independent Alliance.” It aims to restore socialist politics rooted in economic justice, anti-imperialism, and state interventionism—principles which Sultana and Corbyn argue have been abandoned by Starmer’s Labour.

At the launch, Sultana condemned Labour’s direction, declaring it “a party that promises stability for capital while leaving millions behind.”¹ The movement will focus on welfare expansion, wealth redistribution, housing rights, and opposition to foreign wars—reviving much of the 2017–2019 Corbynite platform.

However, internal disagreements have already emerged, particularly regarding party structure and messaging.² Critics suggest that the alliance may simply replicate the ideological purism and factionalism that contributed to Labour’s 2019 electoral collapse. Nonetheless, it marks the most serious left-wing schism since Arthur Scargill’s Socialist Labour Party, and could pose a significant challenge in inner-city constituencies where Labour has lost its radical base.

Advance UK: Ben Habib’s Bid to Outflank Farage
On 30 June, Ben Habib, the former Brexit Party MEP and ex-deputy leader of Reform UK, launched Advance UK, a populist centre-right party intended to offer a more democratic and constitutionally grounded alternative to Nigel Farage’s movement.³

Advance UK’s platform centres on restoring parliamentary sovereignty, defending free speech, opposing technocracy, and introducing a “college” system for grassroots-driven policy formulation. Habib criticised the top-down style of Reform UK, suggesting that Farage’s leadership had stifled internal debate and become fixated on spectacle over substance.

Advance UK is tailored to appeal to socially conservative, pro-Brexit voters alienated by the cultural radicalism of Labour and the dysfunction of the Conservative Party. It hopes to channel the populist energy of the post-Referendum era into a more stable and principled political vehicle.

Restore Britain: The Legalistic Right Enters the Fray
Also on 30 June, former Reform UK MP Rupert Lowe launched Restore Britain—not as a registered party, but as a political company focused on media, legal, and policy campaigns. It bills itself as a “constitutional resistance movement” intent on restoring British values, cutting immigration, and challenging institutional capture by progressive ideology.⁴

Restore Britain combines traditional conservative themes—border control, Christian identity, family values—with legal activism and public mobilisation. Its motto, “Carpet-bomb wokery,” reflects its unapologetic cultural agenda.⁵ Lowe has indicated the movement may support candidates or launch public interest litigation rather than stand in elections directly, for now.

Its advisory board includes prominent anti-woke figures, including former Conservative London Assembly leader Susan Hall. By rejecting party registration, Restore Britain seeks to operate with flexibility while wielding influence on policy debates and public discourse—especially in areas of immigration, free speech, and education.

Conclusion: A Fractured Political Horizon
The emergence of these movements, each with different organisational strategies and ideological foundations, speaks to a deeper crisis in British political life. After twelve months of Labour government marked by rhetorical moderation but ideological ambiguity, challenges are emerging not just from a diminished Tory opposition, but from entirely new political formations.

Advance UK and Restore Britain aim to capitalise on Reform UK’s vulnerabilities and seize the cultural high ground from a fragmented conservative movement. Meanwhile, the Independent Alliance hopes to resurrect the moral and economic radicalism that many feel Starmer has sacrificed on the altar of electability.

Yet the proliferation of micro-parties also risks diffusing influence and splitting opposition. On both Left and Right, unity remains elusive. Whether these ventures represent a new beginning or another chapter in Britain’s political dysfunction will depend on their ability to connect with an exhausted electorate—and to offer more than slogans and schisms. 🔝

¹ Zarah Sultana, quoted in The Guardian, 3 July 2025.
² “Ex-Labour MP Sultana announces new leftwing party with Jeremy Corbyn,” Financial Times, 3 July 2025.
³ Ben Habib, founding statement, Advance UK, 30 June 2025.
⁴ “Rupert Lowe launches anti-woke movement to ‘carpet-bomb wokery’,” The Sun, 1 July 2025.
⁵ Ibid.


A Blasphemy Law in All But Name? The Islamophobia Working Group and the Threat to Free Speech

The Labour-led revival of a definition of “Islamophobia” has drawn sharp criticism from legal experts, campaigners, and former government advisers, who warn that the project may amount to the back-door reintroduction of blasphemy law in Britain. The definition under review by Angela Rayner’s Working Group on Anti-Muslim Hatred and Islamophobia is viewed by many as dangerously expansive, likely to criminalise legitimate criticism of Islamic beliefs and practices, and is being pursued, critics say, in secret and without due process.

A Panel Without Dissent
The five-person working group, chaired by former Attorney General Dominic Grieve KC, includes Baroness Shaista Gohir and Akeela Ahmed, both of whom have previously endorsed the controversial 2018 All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) definition of Islamophobia¹. That definition declares Islamophobia to be “rooted in racism” and describes it as “a type of racism that targets expressions of Muslimness or perceived Muslimness.” The wording is so broad as to encompass virtually any criticism of Islam or Islamic cultural practices, critics say, and could undermine the Waddington Amendment, which protects free discussion of religion under the Public Order Act 1986².

Lord Walney, former government adviser on political violence, has urged the term Islamophobia be dropped entirely, warning of a “chilling effect on free speech”³. Lord Young of Acton, Director of the Free Speech Union (FSU), concurs. “If the Deputy Prime Minister presses ahead,” he warns, “we won’t hesitate to bring a judicial review in the High Court”⁴.

Grooming Gangs: From Scandal to Silence
The inclusion of Baroness Gohir has drawn particular concern. In a 2013 report, she argued that media coverage of grooming gang convictions involving British Pakistani men was “disproportionate” and that it helped “fuel racism and Islamophobia”⁵. This line of argument—since repeated in the APPG report—was precisely what Baroness Louise Casey identified in her 2022 review as a principal reason why vulnerable white working-class girls were left unprotected for decades. Fear of appearing “Islamophobic” prevented authorities from intervening⁶.

A Consultation in Name Only
Despite being framed as a national consultation, the “call for evidence” launched by the working group was not publicly announced and only came to light after a leak. According to Freddie Attenborough of the FSU, it was a “gerrymandered process” that excluded groups likely to oppose the APPG definition, including Christian Concern, the Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain, Don’t Divide Us, and the Oxford Institute for British Islam⁷.

“There are no questions inviting concerns about potential impacts on the right to freedom of speech,” Lord Young said. “Nor does the call for evidence actively seek out alternative perspectives”⁸. Indeed, the group’s terms of reference confirm that its advice to ministers will remain private and unpublished—a direct violation of government transparency codes⁹.

Towards a De Facto Blasphemy Law?
What is at stake, observers warn, is nothing less than the legal reclassification of criticism of Islam as racial hatred. While racial discrimination must rightly be condemned and prosecuted, the conflation of race with religion—especially a religion with political and legal dimensions like Islam—creates new categories of forbidden speech. As Spiked notes, under the APPG framework, even criticisms of grooming gangs, immigration, or Islamist extremism could be **legally rebranded as racist ‘Islamophobia’**¹⁰.

Yet as British law currently stands, such criticism is protected. The Waddington Amendment makes clear that “discussion, criticism or expressions of antipathy, dislike, ridicule, insult or abuse of particular religions or the beliefs or practices of their adherents” do not constitute hate speech¹¹.

The Verdict: Censorship by Stealth
The Islamophobia Working Group appears not to be weighing competing concerns about community cohesion and free expression. Rather, it is executing a preordained ideological agenda with the blessing of senior Labour figures, behind closed doors, and in defiance of democratic norms.

This is not policymaking—it is doctrine crafting, and the doctrine in question would silence criticism of an ideology that must remain open to public debate, scrutiny, and reform. With legal action now on the horizon, the fate of free speech in Britain may soon be decided not in Parliament, but in the High Court. 🔝

  1. APPG on British Muslims, Islamophobia Defined, 2018.
  2. Public Order Act 1986, Section 29J (Waddington Amendment), added via the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008.
  3. Lord Walney, statement reported in The Telegraph, 26 June 2025.
  4. Lord Young of Acton, FSU letter to Angela Rayner, June 2025.
  5. Shaista Gohir, Unheard Voices, Muslim Women’s Network UK, 2013.
  6. Baroness Louise Casey, Independent Review into CSE in Telford, 2022.
  7. Freddie Attenborough, “Labour wants to silence criticism of Islam,” Spiked, 30 June 2025.
  8. The Telegraph, 26 June 2025.
  9. Cabinet Office, Consultation Principles 2018.
  10. Attenborough, Spiked, 30 June 2025.
  11. Public Order Act 1986, Section 29J.

Ideological Capture and the Betrayal of Law: The Battle Over Biological Sex in UK Institutions

A Clarification, Not a Creation
In April 2025, the UK Supreme Court handed down a landmark ruling in For Women Scotland Ltd v The Scottish Ministers, affirming that the word “sex” in the Equality Act 2010 refers to biological sex, not gender identity¹. This was not a change in the law, but a definitive clarification. The Equality Act has always treated sex as a biological reality, as evident in provisions on pregnancy, maternity, and single-sex services².

Nevertheless, the ruling has caused a political and bureaucratic storm. Public bodies, especially in Scotland and parts of England, have continued to implement policies based on gender identity ideology. In doing so, they are now acting outside the law.

The Law on Single-Sex Spaces
Under the Equality Act 2010, Schedule 3 explicitly allows for lawful single-sex exceptions where they are a “proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim”³. These exceptions cover spaces where sex differences matter: changing rooms, toilets, hospital wards, and accommodation. The Act also affirms that these exceptions remain valid even when a person has a Gender Recognition Certificate⁴.

The April ruling confirmed that no reinterpretation of the Act may override this legal balance. Biological sex remains the defining criterion for single-sex provisions. Activist-influenced reinterpretations—especially those redefining “woman” to include male-born individuals—have no legal standing.

Starmer: The Law Must Now Be Implemented
In July 2025, Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer intervened publicly, stating that all institutions “must implement” the Supreme Court ruling “as soon as possible.” He criticised the widespread excuse offered by foot-dragging organisations—that they are waiting for formal EHRC guidance—even though the Commission issued interim clarification immediately after the ruling affirming its immediate effect⁵.

Maya Forstater, Chief Executive of Sex Matters, welcomed the Prime Minister’s stance. “This is an important intervention given the huge number of public bodies operating outside the law,” she said. “There is no need to wait”⁶.

The Football Association (FA) moved swiftly to end the inclusion of trans-identifying males in women’s competitions from June 1st, showing that where there is will, there is legal capacity. Their decision followed a case in which a teenage girl, penalised for questioning an opponent’s sex, was reinstated after legal challenge⁷.

The EHRC’s Future and Public Defiance
Some institutions had quietly pinned their hopes on a change in leadership at the EHRC, expecting a new Chair might reinterpret the Court’s judgment. But the government’s nominee, Dr Mary-Ann Stephenson, has a robust record supporting women punished for expressing gender-critical beliefs⁸. Her appointment is likely to reinforce rather than dilute the Court’s ruling.

The Public Sector Equality Duty
The ruling reinforces obligations under Section 149 of the Equality Act: the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED). This compels public authorities to eliminate discrimination and consciously assess the impact of their decisions on all protected characteristics—including sex and gender reassignment. The law does not permit automatic prioritisation of one over the other. Where competing interests exist, lawful balancing is required⁹.

Failure to carry out proper Equality Impact Assessments (EqIAs), especially under ideological pressure, may now constitute unlawful conduct.

Brighton & Hove: A Case Study in Institutional Defiance
In Brighton & Hove, a local secondary school quietly introduced mixed-sex changing rooms without notifying parents. After a prolonged FOI campaign, parents discovered that the school:

  • Conducted no risk assessments for mixed-sex toilets;
  • Claimed changing room assessments could not be disclosed due to “personal data”;
  • Had no recorded training for staff on policy changes;
  • Relied solely on the Local Authority’s “Trans Inclusion Toolkit”, not its own EqIA;
  • Consulted legal advisors but refused to disclose their reasoning¹⁰.

The school’s stalling tactics—delaying FOI responses until the summer break and offering evasive answers—have prompted the threat of judicial review. Parents are also preparing to alert the school’s liability insurer, noting that failure to comply with statutory duties may invalidate cover and expose the insurer to secondary liability.

Another Brighton & Hove school reportedly permitted mixed sleeping arrangements on a residential trip—again, without parental consent. This confirms the problem is not isolated, but systemic within the Local Authority.

Institutional Accountability and the Rule of Law

Public bodies are not entitled to delay compliance based on hoped-for ideological shifts or evolving social norms. The Supreme Court has spoken; the Equality Act remains unamended; the EHRC has confirmed immediate implementation.

If public institutions wish to change the law, they must lobby Parliament. Until then, they are bound—legally, morally, and constitutionally—to uphold what Parliament has enacted and the courts have clarified. Anything else is lawlessness in public service.

The task now falls not only to politicians but to parents, educators, lawyers, and citizens: to reclaim legal integrity, restore clarity, and protect those most vulnerable to institutional negligence. 🔝

¹ For Women Scotland Ltd v The Scottish Ministers [2025] UKSC 16.
² Equality Act 2010, Part 2, s.4; cf. Schedule 3, Part 7.
³ Equality Act 2010, Schedule 3, Paras 26–28.
⁴ Ibid., and see FWS v Scottish Ministers [2025] UKSC 16, para 59.
⁵ EHRC Interim Guidance, April 2025.
⁶ Maya Forstater, quoted in The Times, 1 July 2025.
⁷ FSU legal update, June 2025.
⁸ Government announcement, preferred candidate for EHRC Chair, July 2025.
⁹ Equality Act 2010, s.149; Croft v Royal Mail Group [2003] EWCA Civ 1045.
¹⁰ Mumsnet discussion thread: “Single Sex Changing Spaces in Brighton Secondary Schools – Part 4”, June 2025.


A Blow Against Global Censorship: Billboard Chris and the Reassertion of Free Speech

A victory in Australia sets a precedent for resisting ideological speech control worldwide
In a ruling with global implications for free speech and digital sovereignty, the Australian Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) has overturned a censorship order against Canadian activist Billboard Chris (Chris Elston), affirming that biological truth-telling is not cyber-abuse. The decision marks a rare but significant legal repudiation of ideologically driven attempts to redefine harm in service of gender ideology.

The origins of the case
In February 2024, Chris Elston posted a short comment on X (formerly Twitter), sharing a Daily Mail article about a transgender activist appointed to a World Health Organization advisory panel. His accompanying comment simply read: “She’s a woman who changed her name.”

That sentence, grounded in biological and linguistic reality, triggered a formal takedown request from Australia’s eSafety Commissioner, who claimed the post amounted to “cyber-abuse material” under the Online Safety Act 2021. X, under threat of crippling fines, geo-blocked the post in Australia but refused to remove it globally. Elston, with legal backing from ADF International and the Australian Human Rights Law Alliance, challenged the order in the Tribunal.

The ruling: Truth is not abuse
The Tribunal delivered a resounding rebuke to the eSafety Commissioner’s attempt to redefine factual statements as harmful speech. It concluded that “an ordinary reasonable person” would not interpret the post as intending to cause serious harm or as using vitriolic, abusive, or malicious language¹. The ruling clarified that the Tribunal’s function was not to assess the correctness or popularity of the views expressed, but to evaluate whether the content met the legal threshold for cyber-abuse².

This distinction is crucial. As ADF International’s Robert Clarke noted, the decision “sends a strong message that truth is a defence, and that freedom of speech cannot be held hostage by ideological sensitivities”³.

Reasserting legal boundaries
The Tribunal’s ruling is a rare instance in which an increasingly overreaching regulatory apparatus was brought back within the bounds of legal objectivity. Katherine Deves, writing in The Spectator Australia, warned that “laws designed to prevent genuine abuse are now routinely weaponised to silence dissent from state-sanctioned ideology,” particularly when it comes to debates over sex and gender⁴. The Tribunal’s verdict suggests that at least some parts of the legal system still retain the capacity to distinguish between real harm and politically constructed offense.

The wider stakes: Transnational censorship and ideological colonisation
Had the eSafety Commissioner succeeded, the implications would have been far-reaching. A bureaucratic authority in one country would have acquired the power to suppress speech across borders, platforms, and legal jurisdictions. This would have enabled a model of censorship based not on defamation, incitement, or credible harm—but on ideological alignment with gender orthodoxy.

The significance was not lost on Elon Musk’s X, which joined the legal fight. As The Sydney Morning Herald reported, the company refused to comply with the takedown demand and defended Elston’s right to post⁵. This corporate resistance, combined with grassroots support from over 30,000 CitizenGO signatories, was instrumental in forcing a legal resolution rather than capitulation.

The challenge ahead
While this victory is a milestone, it does not signal the end of the censorship trend. Regulatory agencies like Australia’s eSafety Commissioner continue to promote a worldview in which truth must yield to identity politics. The UK, Canada, and the EU are all exploring or enforcing similar content moderation regimes—often under the guise of “online safety.”

The political class, notably silent during this legal battle, shows little appetite for confronting these excesses. As such, the burden of resistance remains with civil society, independent legal groups, and ordinary citizens.

Conclusion
The AAT’s ruling affirms a principle that should never have been in doubt: that speaking the truth about sex is not a form of violence. That such a case had to be fought—and that it required international legal defence—is a sobering reminder of the ideological capture of public institutions. But it is also a sign of hope: that the rule of law, properly applied, can still defend reality against the distortions of power.

Let us hope it marks the beginning of a broader pushback, not just in Australia, but across the Western world. 🔝

  1. Administrative Appeals Tribunal Ruling, quoted in ADF International, “Free Speech Victory in Australia for Billboard Chris,” July 1, 2025.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Robert Clarke, “A Blow to Global Censorship: Billboard Chris Wins in Australia,” Daily Wire, July 1, 2025.
  4. Katherine Deves, “Legislating Identity: The Erosion of Sex-Based Rights,” Spectator Australia, July 1, 2025.
  5. Nick Bonyhady, “Elon Musk’s X Wins ‘Free Speech’ Fight Against eSafety Commissioner,” Sydney Morning Herald, July 1, 2025.

Defending the Rank and File: Richard Cooke, Police Federation, and the Ideological Capture of Representation

When Richard Cooke, former Chair of the West Midlands Police Federation, posted a measured defence of his members on social media, he could not have anticipated that doing so would cost him his office. In response to a Channel 4 News report alleging widespread racism and misogyny within the force, Mr Cooke wrote on X (formerly Twitter): “I don’t recognise these attitudes. They do not represent us – we are an anti-racist organisation.”¹ That was enough to trigger complaints from two officers who appeared in the programme. Cooke was suspended by the Police Federation of England and Wales, barred from re-election for three years, and ordered to undergo mandatory “equality, diversity and inclusion” (EDI) training.²

Cooke’s case—now the subject of a legal challenge supported by the Free Speech Union (FSU)—is being combined with that of Rick Prior, the former Chair of the Metropolitan Police Federation. Prior was similarly suspended for stating that police officers had become increasingly nervous about stopping people from ethnic minorities, due to the fear of being accused of racism.³ He was not voicing his personal prejudice, but reporting what the rank-and-file had been telling him “for months.”

The principle at stake is not simply the right of federation chairs to express controversial opinions, but their duty to represent the views of the officers who elected them. Cooke was elected Chair three times by the 7,000 officers of West Midlands Police.⁴ As he told The Telegraph: “I have been removed from office for speaking out in defence of my members and for reflecting their views, which is what I was elected to do.”⁵ This is precisely the function of a Federation Chair: to speak on behalf of colleagues who cannot safely or easily speak for themselves. That Cooke is now facing sanction for fulfilling his role is a sign of institutional capture.

The Free Speech Union’s Director, Lord Toby Young, captured the reversal with biting clarity:
“Twenty-five years ago, a Police Federation Chair would have been suspended for disparaging his fellow officers. Today, you get suspended for defending them.”⁶

The pattern is increasingly familiar across public service sectors. A governing ideology of suspicion and “equity” now overrides collegial loyalty, procedural justice, or freedom of conscience. Institutional elites are beholden not to those they represent but to an abstract framework of “inclusion” defined by opaque bureaucracies and enforced through fear. Representation itself is redefined: not the duty to speak for one’s members, but the obligation to reinforce the dominant narrative. Cooke’s mild defence of officers and denial of generalised institutional guilt was treated not as an act of solidarity, but as defiance against the new orthodoxy.

As The Conservative Woman observed in their coverage, Cooke’s case illustrates a deeper shift in police culture.⁷ Once, the frontline officer was seen as the embodiment of public service, doing a difficult job with courage, discipline, and restraint. Now, the emphasis has shifted to risk-aversion, self-policing, and moral re-education. The institutional narrative assumes that racism and bias are latent in the rank and file, and that those who do not accept this assumption must be either reformed or removed. Cooke’s protest—that the officers he knew and led were not as they had been portrayed—was neither strident nor political. It was loyal. But loyalty is no longer enough.

The deeper concern is the erosion of trust and morale in public institutions. If internal representatives are no longer permitted to articulate the concerns of their members, where can that energy go? Either it is repressed—leading to silence, cynicism, and disengagement—or it finds other channels, such as anonymous leaks, public resignations, or politicised external campaigns. None of this serves justice, order, or the public good.

The principle of subsidiarity—a cornerstone of Catholic social teaching—affirms that matters should be handled at the lowest possible level, by those most directly involved. In a functioning institution, that means giving weight to those on the front line and ensuring that their representatives can speak without fear. Instead, a top-down ideology now silences dissent, infantilises professionals, and replaces deliberation with indoctrination. This is not reform, but deformation.

Mr Cooke’s legal challenge, if successful, may prove a turning point. At stake is more than his job or his honour. It is the right of any worker in a public-facing role to be heard by the very institution they serve. It is also a test case in whether truth, loyalty, and democratic representation still have a place in modern British policing—or whether they have been permanently subordinated to a new culture of managerial compliance and ideological control.

If officers are no longer allowed to defend themselves—or be defended—then the public has every reason to worry. For if the law’s guardians are gagged, who will speak for justice? 🔝

¹ Richard Cooke, quoted in The Conservative Woman, “Another police representative bites the dust – his crime? Sticking up for his members,” 3 July 2025.
² Ibid. Cooke was suspended by the Police Federation of England and Wales after two internal complaints.
³ Ibid. Rick Prior’s statement referred to widely shared concerns among officers about racial profiling accusations.
⁴ The Telegraph, “Police federation chair sacked for denying ‘widespread’ racism in force,” quoted in The Conservative Woman, op. cit.
⁵ Ibid.
⁶ Lord Toby Young, Director of the Free Speech Union, statement cited in The Conservative Woman, op. cit.
⁷ Ibid. Editorial analysis highlighting the shift in institutional priorities and treatment of internal speech.


Synthetic Embryo Breakthrough Raises Ethical and Scientific Questions

In a scientific milestone that has stunned researchers and bioethicists alike, a team at the Weizmann Institute of Science in Israel announced in September 2023 the creation of a synthetic human embryo model from stem cells — without the use of sperm, egg, or womb. This synthetic construct was grown up to the 14-day limit agreed upon in most international bioethics protocols, during which it developed several recognisably human structures, including a primitive heart tube that began to beat.

An Embryo Without Conception
The experiment was led by Professor Jacob Hanna, a leading figure in developmental biology. Using human pluripotent stem cells reprogrammed from adult skin cells, Hanna’s team succeeded in coaxing these cells to self-organise into a model that closely mimics a natural human embryo at a critical point in its development. Notably, this was achieved without any genetic editing or cloning.¹

The embryo model replicated key features found in embryos at around day 14 post-fertilisation:

  • A yolk sac, the first source of nourishment in embryonic life.
  • Placental-like tissue, essential for future fetal development.
  • A primitive streak, which marks the start of body axis formation and is the earliest sign of the nervous system.
  • A beating heart tube, a precursor to the fully formed heart.²

Despite these astonishing achievements, it is crucial to note that the structure does not qualify as a viable human embryo. It cannot develop into a fetus, lacks the full genetic orchestration of human embryogenesis, and was stopped before forming a nervous system, in line with ethical restrictions.³

Bioethical Implications and Safeguards
This work walks a fine ethical line. For decades, the so-called 14-day rule has served as a consensus-based threshold for embryonic research — underpinned not by religious dogma, but by the recognition that day 14 marks the emergence of the primitive streak and the beginning of individuation.⁴ Beyond this point, an embryo could theoretically develop into a sentient organism if implanted — hence the ethical caution.

The Weizmann team strictly adhered to this limit, and Professor Hanna himself has stated that the goal of this research is not to produce babies in a lab, but to better understand the mysteries of early human development — a phase that has, until now, remained largely invisible and inaccessible.⁵

Scientific Promise
The implications are profound. First, this model allows for the study of congenital diseases and the testing of early-stage pregnancy medications without relying on natural embryos or animal models. Second, it may pave the way for new approaches to treat infertility, improve in vitro fertilisation (IVF) success rates, and deepen our knowledge of human organ formation.⁶

Theoretically, lessons from this research could be applied to the emerging field of organogenesis, where scientists hope to one day grow organs from scratch for transplantation. Understanding how organs self-assemble in the embryonic stage is a prerequisite for such ambitions.⁷

Limits and Misunderstandings
However, the synthetic embryo model is not a step toward creating lab-grown humans. It is not capable of implantation in a womb, cannot survive outside highly regulated lab conditions, and does not have the potential to develop into a fully formed baby.⁸ Media claims suggesting otherwise risk sensationalism and confusion about what this research actually represents.

As Professor Hanna himself emphasised, “Our models can be used to answer questions that until now could only be speculated on — like why so many pregnancies fail to implant and why there are such high rates of miscarriage in the first weeks.”⁹

Theological and Anthropological Reflections
From a theological perspective, the Catholic tradition affirms that human life begins at conception, when a unique soul is infused by God. A synthetic model that never involves the fusion of gametes — sperm and egg — and never possesses the potential for human individuation, therefore, does not constitute a human person. Nonetheless, the reverence owed to human life must extend analogously to any research that touches on the mystery of human origin, lest technological capability begin to eclipse moral wisdom.

Moreover, while this development does not represent a breach of the moral order in itself, it opens doors to future research trajectories that may. Without firm ethical boundaries grounded in the dignity of the human person, such work risks becoming a stepping stone toward commodifying or manufacturing human life, even if unintentionally.

Conclusion
The synthetic embryo created by the Weizmann Institute is a major advance in developmental biology. It holds promise for medicine, fertility research, and a deeper understanding of the earliest moments of human life. Yet it also calls for renewed vigilance from ethicists, theologians, and legislators. In our pursuit of knowledge, we must remember that not all that is technically possible is morally permissible. 🔝

  1. Hanna, J. et al. A complete synthetic human embryo model from pluripotent stem cells. Preprint announced via press release, Weizmann Institute of Science, Sept. 2023.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Lovell-Badge, R. (Chair, ISSCR Guidelines Committee). International Society for Stem Cell Research Guidelines for Stem Cell Research and Clinical Translation, 2021.
  4. Warnock Report (1984), UK. Established the first formal recommendation of a 14-day limit on embryo research.
  5. Hanna, J., quoted in Nature, Sept. 2023 coverage: “We didn’t implant them, and we’re not allowed to. But they grow as if they could.”
  6. Hyun, I. et al. Embryo models: Ethical and policy considerations, Nature Cell Biology (2020).
  7. Rossant, J. The New Embryology: Developmental Biology Meets Stem Cells, Annual Review of Cell and Developmental Biology, 2018.
  8. de Miguel Beriain, I. Synthetic embryos: legal and ethical challenges, Journal of Law and the Biosciences (2023).
  9. Hanna, J., in Weizmann Institute Newsroom, Sept. 2023: “This is not a blueprint for artificial reproduction; it is a tool for discovery.”

Allison Bailey Wins Landmark Case: Gender Critical Beliefs Upheld in Goods and Services Law

“Sex is Real”: British Court Confirms Anti-Gender Ideology Discrimination is Unlawful

In a groundbreaking legal decision with far-reaching implications for equality law and freedom of belief in the United Kingdom, barrister and gender-critical campaigner Allison Bailey has won her claim for discrimination in the supply of services against Linnaeus Veterinary Limited, trading as Palmerston Veterinary Group. This is the first time a British court has recognised that denying goods or services on the basis of a person’s belief that sex is binary, biological, immutable, and meaningful constitutes unlawful discrimination under the Equality Act 2010.

A New Precedent for Service Users
The judgment, handed down by His Honour Judge Holmes, is the first successful judgment affirming the protected status of gender-critical belief in the context of service provision. It builds on recent case law — notably Forstater v CGD Europe — which established that gender-critical beliefs fall within the scope of protection as a philosophical belief under the Equality Act. But while Forstater and others have concerned employment rights, Bailey’s case marks the first time that such beliefs have been vindicated in the context of goods and services, expanding the application of protection beyond the workplace.

Bailey, a lesbian and prominent critic of gender ideology, was a client of Palmerston Vets for thirteen years when she was abruptly expelled in 2023. She had not raised any issues of sex or gender identity herself, but was reportedly targeted following her previous high-profile legal action against Garden Court Chambers, which also ended in a ruling in her favour. Her views — that gender identity ideology is pseudoscientific, quasi-religious, and harmful to women, children, and same-sex attracted people — were known within the practice, and according to evidence, created internal division among staff.

Judicial Critique of Activist Culture
The judge found that Bailey had received no warning of the expulsion, and that policies regarding removal of clients were not followed. Crucially, the court noted the presence of trans activist material throughout the veterinary group’s offices, and a staff meeting focused on trans rights held on the same day as the Forstater appeal judgment. The judge rejected the defence’s claim that Bailey had been rude to staff, finding the evidence “unreliable” and suggesting the practice was “a hair’s breadth” away from equating gender-critical views with bigotry — a stance clearly at odds with the law.

Victory for Free Expression and Legal Clarity
Speaking after the judgment, Bailey said the ruling “shows that it is unlawful to deny services to people who believe that sex is binary, biological, immutable and of vital importance.” She described her treatment as “a familiar story” for gender-critical women, who are often silenced or punished for expressing views that once constituted common sense.

Bailey further accused trans activism of capturing institutions “with unthinking thought and language,” and praised her legal team — Akua Reindorf KC and solicitor Peter Daly — for their determination in navigating an evasive and adversarial defendant.

Daly commented:

“An unquestioning acceptance of gender identity dogma, far from being a kind measure, can lead businesses into unlawful discrimination… This judgment is a line in the sand.”

He urged businesses to review their internal policies to avoid falling foul of equality law. Notably, the ruling makes clear that customers as well as employees have legal recourse when punished or excluded for holding gender-critical views.

The Next Legal Frontier
This judgment is expected to embolden further challenges where gender-critical individuals are excluded from services, clubs, associations, or facilities. The case underlines the shifting legal tide in Britain, where increasing judicial clarity is being offered on the question of belief versus compelled affirmation of gender ideology.

The court will reconvene shortly to determine damages and costs. Meanwhile, the Bailey ruling is likely to become a touchstone for future litigation involving belief, free expression, and the limits of ideological conformity. 🔝

¹ Forstater v CGD Europe and Others [2021] UKET 2200909/2019
² Equality Act 2010, s.10(2): “Belief” includes religious and philosophical belief.
³ Bailey v Linnaeus Veterinary Ltd, Judgment of HHJ Holmes, June 2025
⁴ See also Bailey v Garden Court Chambers [2022] ET/2202172/2020
⁵ Statement by Peter Daly, solicitor, Doyle Clayton LLP, July 2025
⁶ The tribunal confirmed that belief in biological sex is worthy of respect in a democratic society and not incompatible with human dignity.

A gathering in a grand library featuring a diverse group of people, including clergy, scholars, and families, engaged in reading and discussions, with bookshelves filled with various books in the background, and a prominent logo reading 'FORUM' in the foreground.


Truth on Trial: Academic Freedom and the War on Sex-Based Research

What the DSIT Report Reveals about Activist Capture and the Collapse of Scientific Integrity in British Universities

In July 2025, the UK Department for Science, Innovation and Technology (DSIT) published its second landmark report on sex and gender: Barriers to Research on Sex and Gender¹. Its findings are devastating: a research culture where gender-critical scholars—those who affirm the importance of biological sex—face systemic censorship, harassment, and institutional discrimination. The report confirms what many suspected but few could publicly admit without risk to career or health: British academia is no longer a safe space for truth.

This is not a story of “both sides.” The report finds no documented examples of activists or academics who support gender-identity theory being deplatformed, harassed, or blocked from publishing or receiving funding². By contrast, those who affirm the reality and relevance of sex encounter barriers across every dimension of the research system—ethics approvals, funding bodies, conferences, student complaints, and internal HR procedures.

Compelled Speech and Ideological Orthodoxy
Among the most disturbing revelations is the rise of compelled speech. Academics report being pressured to affirm contested gender-identity beliefs or face exclusion from projects, risk to promotion, or formal complaints.

“I was required to agree, as a condition of joining a project team, that I would never refer to sex-based categories in any of my work or communication”³.

In another case, a professor in health sciences was told to rewrite a proposal to remove the phrase “pregnant women” in favour of “pregnant people.” Their research was delayed by over a year by internal interventions described by the report as exceeding the proper remit of ethics committees⁴. These are not isolated cases. They represent a culture shift where disagreement is no longer tolerated—even in research designed to test assumptions and hypotheses.

The Forstater⁵ and Phoenix⁶ legal judgments firmly established that belief in the immutability and significance of biological sex is protected under UK law. Yet universities and EDI departments continue to behave as if affirming these beliefs is inherently discriminatory. The result is widespread self-censorship and chilling effects.

Ethics Committees as Instruments of Suppression
Instead of safeguarding research integrity, ethics committees are often now used to block ideologically inconvenient work. Several testimonies in the report detail cases in which academic projects on sex-based rights were delayed, rewritten, or abandoned due to speculative reputational risk or activist opposition⁷.

“My ethics proposal was sent back three times. They flagged the phrase ‘biological male’ as a problem and asked whether my work risked reinforcing harmful stereotypes. I was studying male sex offenders in women’s prisons.”⁸

This inversion of ethical review—where evidence-based research is treated as dangerous, and speculative political beliefs as unchallengeable—is perhaps the most corrosive development of all. The DSIT report recommends that research ethics committees be stripped of powers to suppress sex-based inquiry, and that all reputational concerns be explicitly separated from ethical judgments⁹.

The ‘Stock Out’ Campaign: Case Study in Institutional Cowardice
The treatment of Professor Kathleen Stock is now infamous. A respected philosopher, Stock was forced to resign from the University of Sussex after sustained intimidation by activist students and the complicity of her colleagues and union.

The campaign included posters, masked protesters with flares, and an Instagram campaign titled Stock Out. The message: “Fire Kathleen Stock. Until then, you’ll see us around.”¹⁰ The student group later declared victory, boasting: “This has been a campaign to get Stock out of Sussex… and it fucking worked.”¹¹

The local University and College Union (UCU) branch issued a statement undermining Stock’s academic freedom, while the national UCU endorsed it. Stock, advised by police to install home CCTV, eventually stepped down. The DSIT report documents this harassment campaign in detail, noting the absence of any comparable campaign against those who hold gender-identity views¹².

Conclusion: Restore the University or Relinquish the Name
The DSIT report is not merely a catalogue of injustice. It is a call to arms: a plea to restore the university to its proper role as the guardian of reasoned inquiry and public truth. The institutions that once protected dissent and upheld the freedom to question now silence the very voices most needed for honest public debate.

In the name of inclusion, the university has institutionalised intolerance. In the name of safety, it has surrendered truth. Unless decisive reforms are adopted—especially those outlined in the report’s 20-point plan¹³—the British university system risks total ideological capture.

Science cannot survive under censorship. Scholarship cannot flourish under fear. Truth will find its defenders, whether in or outside the academy. But the cost of continued silence will be public trust—and that may never be recovered. 🔝

¹ Barriers to Research on Sex and Gender (DSIT, 2025), Executive Summary, pp. 4–11.
² Ibid., p. 9: “We are not aware of any equivalent campaign against an academic who disagrees with the gender-critical perspective.”
³ Ibid., §3.11 (Compelled Speech), p. 207.
⁴ Ibid., §3.10 (Research Ethics Processes), pp. 200–206.
⁵ Forstater v CGD Europe and Others [2021] UKEAT/0105/20/JOJ.
⁶ Phoenix v The Open University [2024], Employment Tribunal Judgment: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/65ae82d58bbe95000e5eb1f7/Ms_J_Pheonix_v_The_Open_University_3322700.2021___other_FMH_Reserved_Judgement.pdf
⁷ DSIT Report, §3.10 (Research Ethics Processes), p. 201.
⁸ Ibid., §3.10, p. 203.
⁹ Ibid., Recommendations 13f, 13g, 13h, pp. 16–17.
¹⁰ DSIT Report, Appendix 3 (Stock Out campaign material), pp. 407–425.
¹¹ Ibid., p. 248.
¹² Ibid., p. 7.
¹³ DSIT Report, “Recommendations,” pp. 12–20.


Safeguarding Undermined: How Ideology is Weakening Child Protection in Britain

An examination of how unconscious bias training and DEI policies have compromised the UK’s safeguarding system

The United Kingdom’s safeguarding framework, once regarded as an international exemplar of multi-agency cooperation and legal rigour, is now facing an unprecedented internal crisis. A growing body of analysis contends that the introduction and expansion of Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) ideology—particularly through unconscious bias training—has significantly impaired the professional judgment essential to child protection. At the heart of this thesis is a disturbing claim: that the very instincts and moral reflexes that underpin safeguarding are now being systematically deconstructed in the name of ideological compliance¹.

This concern is not merely speculative. Since the 2010s, unconscious bias training and EDI policies have become embedded across the public sector—including education, healthcare, social services, and policing². These programmes were originally introduced to address discrimination and to encourage a more inclusive workplace culture. However, critics argue that they now function as psychosocial interventions, encouraging individuals to second-guess their perceptions, question their instincts, and suppress natural forms of discernment out of fear of appearing prejudiced³. This, they claim, undermines one of the foundational principles of safeguarding: the obligation to act decisively on early signs of harm or risk⁴.

Safeguarding—codified in legislation such as the Children Act 1989, Care Act 2014, and subsequent statutory guidance like Working Together to Safeguard Children—relies upon professional intuition as much as formal thresholds⁵. Effective protection of children and vulnerable adults often depends on the ability of teachers, doctors, and social workers to identify patterns, listen empathetically, and respond to concerning behaviour. Yet training that labels instinct as a form of unconscious bias may induce hesitation⁶. A teacher who notices a sudden change in a pupil’s identity or affect may now weigh professional caution against the risk of being accused of transphobia. A social worker may hesitate to act on concerns that appear culturally sensitive. A doctor may delay questioning parental influence on a child’s gender presentation for fear of professional reprisal⁷.

These outcomes are not hypothetical. In recent years, high-profile failures have exposed the inability—or unwillingness—of institutions to act when identity politics render a case “untouchable.” The national scandals around grooming gangs in Rotherham and other towns revealed how fear of appearing racist delayed intervention, resulting in widespread and prolonged child sexual exploitation⁸. More recently, the debate over gender-affirming care for children has raised questions about whether safeguarding standards have been subordinated to ideological affirmation. The Cass Review into gender services for children has already acknowledged that safeguarding processes have been inconsistently applied in this area⁹.

The underlying hypothesis is straightforward but sobering: safeguarding fails when professionals are no longer permitted to trust their judgement. If instincts are redefined as prejudices, and if caution is interpreted as bias, then early intervention—the cornerstone of modern safeguarding—is paralysed. Worse, professionals may feel isolated, unsupported, and even threatened if they raise concerns that challenge prevailing orthodoxies. The consequences are not merely procedural; they are moral and systemic¹⁰.

This is not an argument against inclusion or justice. It is an appeal to recover the integrity of safeguarding practice by distinguishing it clearly from ideological conformity. No policy, however well-intentioned, should place children at risk by silencing legitimate concern. Safeguarding must remain grounded in reality—rooted in evidence, compassion, and the freedom to speak uncomfortable truths.

The reassertion of clear safeguarding standards—based on the primacy of the child’s welfare, the professional’s duty of care, and the irreplaceable role of instinct—is urgent. Institutions must critically reassess the unintended consequences of EDI programmes that inhibit protective action. Professionals must be empowered to act without fear of ideological censure. And policymakers must ensure that the safeguarding framework remains faithful to its original purpose: to protect the vulnerable from harm, regardless of the political sensitivities involved.

If Britain is to reclaim its reputation for safeguarding excellence, it must begin by asking a difficult but necessary question: have we, in the pursuit of inclusion, forgotten how to protect? 🔝

  1. EDI Jester, Safeguarding Means Protecting a Citizen, Substack, 2024, pp. 12–14.
  2. Government Equalities Office, Unconscious Bias Training: A Guide for Employers, 2019.
  3. British Psychological Society, “Psychology’s favourite tool for measuring implicit bias is still mired in controversy,” Research Digest, 2018.
  4. Department for Education, Working Together to Safeguard Children, July 2018 (updated 2023), pp. 9–12.
  5. Children Act 1989, s.17 and s.47; Care Act 2014, s.42; Working Together 2023.
  6. Cass Review, Independent Review of Gender Identity Services for Children and Young People, Final Report, April 2024, pp. 62–68.
  7. EDI Jester, op. cit., pp. 45–47.
  8. Alexis Jay, Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Rotherham (1997–2013), August 2014.
  9. Cass Review, op. cit., pp. 41–42, 78–80.
  10. House of Commons Women and Equalities Committee, Reform of the Gender Recognition Act, HC 977, 2021; see also Jacob Rees-Mogg, “Government axes 250 woke civil service training courses,” The Telegraph, 1 Sept 2022.

Is the UK Still a Democracy? Freedom of Speech, Parliamentary Drift, and the Rise of Managerial Rule

Recent public concern over changes to the UK Parliament website, combined with declining international assessments of British free speech, has raised a pressing question: is Britain quietly abandoning representative democracy in favour of a technocratic, top-down model of governance? Evidence suggests that the role of MPs is being redefined, not to serve their constituents, but to follow party and state priorities under the guise of “the national interest.” At the same time, critics of policy decisions face mounting legal and cultural restrictions on speech.

The Disappearing Duty to Represent
Until recently, the official UK Parliament website defined the role of MPs as representing the interests and concerns of their constituents in the House of Commons. MPs, it stated, were to raise issues on behalf of the people who elected them, and hold ministers accountable through parliamentary questions, surgeries, and constituency visits. Ministers, too, were expected to retain their local obligations, even while serving in government.

But that language has now been quietly rewritten. As of June 2025, MPs are described merely as working in Parliament and their constituencies, with the freedom to divide their time as they choose. There is “no job description or contract of employment for MPs,” and no requirement that they prioritise their constituents’ views. In fact, the only reference to “interests” now allows that MPs “may also consider the best interests of the entire nation.”¹

This shift in emphasis—from representative accountability to managerial discretion—is not trivial. It alters the very nature of parliamentary legitimacy. In the words of legal commentator Alex of The Thinking Coalition, “MPs repeatedly fail to perform their responsibility to represent UK public interests and concerns in the House of Commons,”² often passing legislation “in the teeth of strong public opposition.” He cites as a prime example the recent approval of abortion up to birth, a policy overwhelmingly opposed by the general public, yet forced through without genuine public mandate.³

Free Speech in Decline
Coinciding with this parliamentary drift is the UK’s declining status in global assessments of free expression. The 2024 Global Expression Report by Article 19 downgraded the UK from “open” to “less restricted,” scoring just 79 out of 100.⁴ This ranking reflects an atmosphere where legal threats, cultural pressures, and ideological conformity increasingly chill public discourse.

The consequences are tangible. YouTuber and legal commentator Law by Ian shares that he was recently sued in the High Court for public commentary surrounding a road incident between a van and a cyclist.⁵ Though he was not party to the event, he was targeted for hosting third-party opinions in his comment section—a clear attempt to silence online critique through financial intimidation.

Others have faced similar efforts to suppress dissent. Defamation law and so-called “lawfare” are being deployed not only against those who defame unjustly, but often against ordinary individuals raising questions or expressing concern.⁶ The chilling effect is real and growing, especially in sensitive areas such as gender ideology, immigration policy, or critique of state institutions.

From Democracy to Technocracy?
The convergence of these trends—the withdrawal of MPs’ duty to represent their constituents, and the suppression of dissenting speech—points to a deeper shift in the British state. A government that neither listens to its people nor tolerates their speech may no longer function as a representative democracy, but as a technocracy: rule by managers who claim superior insight into the “national interest,” unburdened by the will of the electorate.

This is not a formal dictatorship. Elections still occur. Courts still operate. But the hollowing-out of meaningful representation and the narrowing of permitted opinion mean that democratic forms may persist without democratic substance.

Critics argue that this transformation is not accidental but ideological. Many modern policymakers see the electorate as dangerously misinformed, bigoted, or regressive—needing guidance, not consent. The replacement of democratic responsiveness with policy paternalism marks a fundamental departure from the constitutional assumptions of British parliamentary life.

A Warning and a Wake-Up Call
The British public now faces a critical juncture. If the role of MPs continues to drift toward national-level policy management rather than local representation, and if citizens’ ability to criticise or protest those decisions is further curtailed, then the UK risks transitioning from a constitutional democracy to a managed state, where the demos is merely tolerated, not heeded.

In this light, the recent website revision is more than a bureaucratic change—it is a symbolic watershed. The idea that an MP might no longer be formally expected to represent the views of their constituents, but instead to govern in accordance with undefined “national interests,” represents a serious and measurable departure from the principles of parliamentary representation.

As Nuntiatoria has consistently argued, the erosion of civic participation and natural rights—especially the right to speak the truth and be represented fairly—is not merely a political concern but a moral one. If we are not vigilant, the symbols of freedom may remain while the substance disappears. 🔝

  1. “Role of an MP (Pre-June 2025 vs Post-June 2025),” analysis via Law by Ian, based on archived versions of www.parliament.uk.
  2. Alex, The Thinking Coalition, “MPs No Longer Represent You,” Substack, June 2025.
  3. See Hansard, June 2025: Parliamentary proceedings on amendment to the Criminal Justice Bill permitting abortion to birth.
  4. Global Expression Report 2024, Article 19.
  5. Ian, Law by Ian, YouTube commentary, July 2025.
  6. See Free Speech Union, “Lawfare and the Silencing of Speech: A Growing Problem in the UK,” Policy Briefing, May 2025.

Abortion by the Back Door: Lords Must Reject Clause 191

On Tuesday 17th June 2025, the British Parliament crossed a chilling threshold. Under the guise of updating criminal justice legislation, MPs voted to fundamentally undermine what little legal protection remains for the unborn. In a stunningly underhanded move, a radical amendment to the Government’s Crime and Policing Bill — now Clause 191 — was passed, effectively decriminalising abortion on demand, up to birth, when self-induced by the mother.

The amendment, tabled by Labour MP Tonia Antoniazzi, was passed by an overwhelming majority of 379 to 137. It reads: “No offence is committed by a woman acting in relation to her own pregnancy.” This deceptively simple line has devastating consequences. It removes all criminal penalties for any woman who chooses to terminate her pregnancy at any stage, including in the final days before natural labour.

The proposed legal change does not merely relax abortion restrictions — it abolishes them altogether for self-administered abortions. Whether the child is 6 weeks or 36 weeks gestated, no crime will be deemed to have occurred. While some MPs claimed this would merely protect women from prosecution under outdated Victorian laws, in reality it strips unborn children of any legal consideration and places women beyond the reach of laws that were, at the very least, meant to protect both life and health.

Hijacked Legislation, Silenced Public
This sweeping change was passed not through a dedicated abortion bill, but as an amendment to a crime bill designed to address public order and policing. The public had no prior notice. There was no manifesto commitment. There was no ethical review. There was no wide parliamentary inquiry. There was not even a full Commons debate — the clause passed after just 43 minutes of discussion.

This is no way to legislate on a matter that affects the very definition of human life and legal personhood.

Abortion advocates have long sought to redefine abortion not as a moral or medical tragedy, but as a private entitlement. Decriminalisation is the final step in that process — and the most dangerous. By removing abortion from the criminal law entirely, Clause 191 eliminates any legal recourse should an unborn child be deliberately killed at term by its own mother. It also opens the door to coercion and abuse: nothing in the clause prevents a controlling partner or family member from pressuring a woman into such an act, nor does it provide safeguards against reckless self-use of unregulated pills or instruments.

The Lords’ Crucial Role
The bill now moves to the House of Lords. In its current form, Clause 191 stands. It is now the duty of Peers to examine it, challenge it, and if necessary, strike it out altogether. The Lords have historically served as a moderating force, especially on matters of conscience and life. In a case where democratic transparency has been so plainly violated, that role becomes even more critical.

The Government must not be allowed to wash its hands of this, claiming the amendment was backbench-led. The Prime Minister allowed the vote. The front benches of both main parties overwhelmingly supported it. The cries of public outrage now falling on Peers’ ears are a result of political cowardice and media silence.

There is time to act. No date has yet been set for the Lords stages of the bill, but the pro-life community is mobilising. Tools for writing to members of the Lords are now available, encouraging citizens to print and post physical letters — a method more impactful than emails. Already, moral voices are being raised across denominational and political divides. This is not a “religious issue” or a “women’s issue.” It is a matter of legal justice, public safety, and the moral character of our nation.

A Disgrace in a Civilised Society
Whatever one’s views on abortion under existing law, the idea that a baby of eight or nine months may be legally killed in the womb without any possibility of criminal prosecution — and that this could be permitted without medical supervision or legal oversight — should horrify every civilised conscience. To legalise such acts is to accept barbarism as policy.

Clause 191 must be rejected. The unborn have no voice in Parliament. The Lords must become that voice. Their refusal to act would not only enshrine abortion up to birth in law — it would confirm that in Britain, the right to life is no longer assumed to begin before birth at all.

This is not compassion. This is collapse.

Take Action: Write to a Lord Today
An online tool is available to help you send a letter to a randomly assigned Peer. The letter will be emailed to you for printing and posting. Personalised letters carry the most weight. Use the briefing materials available and speak from the heart.

It may be one letter among many — but each could help restore a sense of decency to a country losing its moral bearings. 🔝

  1. Hansard, House of Commons, 17 June 2025, Division on Amendment NC1.
  2. Amendment NC1 became Clause 191 upon adoption into the Government’s Crime and Policing Bill.
  3. The clause text and voting record are available via the UK Parliament website.
  4. Public legal commentary on the amendment has been published by legal experts including ADF UK and Christian Concern.

A See Impeded, a Church Divided, a Papacy Restored?
Professor Eric Thaddius Walters on Canon Law, Benedict’s Resignation, and the Hidden Conclave Crisis

Based on interviews with Lionel on the Lionel Nation YouTube channel, July 2025

In a series of striking interviews conducted in July 2025 on the Lionel Nation YouTube channel, Professor Eric Thaddius Walters—a respected patristic scholar and canonist—unfolded what he believes to be the most consequential ecclesial misjudgment in modern Church history: the misinterpretation of Pope Benedict XVI’s 2013 resignation. His argument: that the Church entered a state not of vacancy (sede vacante), but of impediment (sede impedita), and that this juridical error led to a decade of canonical and sacramental uncertainty that only now, perhaps, has been silently rectified.

The Invalid Resignation: Munus vs Ministerium
Walters begins with a forensic analysis of Pope Benedict XVI’s resignation declaration on 11 February 2013. Citing Canon 332 §2 of the 1983 Codex Iuris Canonici, he notes that a valid papal resignation must entail a renunciation of the munus—the office or divine mandate of the papacy—not merely its exercise. Benedict, in his Latin Declaratio, relinquished only the ministerium:

“…declaro me ministerio Episcopi Romae… renuntiare.”¹

This, Walters insists, was not a juridically sufficient act. Citing canonical authorities such as Cardinal Raymond Burke and theologians like Fr. Stefano Violi, he affirms that munus is ontologically distinct from ministerium, the former being necessary for the validity of resignation.² Thus, according to Walters, Benedict XVI remained Pope in the eyes of God and of canon law until his death in 2022.

The Impeded See: Sede Impedita
The failure to recognize this distinction, Walters argues, plunged the Church into a state of sede impedita as defined in Canon 335:

“When the Roman See is impeded… nothing is to be altered in the governance of the Church.”³

Under this canon, a pope who is unable or unwilling to exercise his office—due to coercion, infirmity, or other grave cause—but has not resigned, renders the See juridically impeded, not vacant. Walters likens this to a theological eclipse: the See of Peter remained intact but obscured.

Illegitimacy of the 2013 Conclave
If Benedict remained pope, then any conclave convened before his death would be canonically invalid. Walters notes that the 2013 conclave began before the alleged resignation had even taken canonical effect, citing the Vatican’s own timeline error: the announcement that the See would be vacant as of 8:00 p.m. on 28 February does not account for the ancient canonical reckoning of time, in which a day ends at midday.⁴

Further, Canon 359 states:

“During a vacancy of the Apostolic See, the College of Cardinals has no power or jurisdiction unless it concerns the election of a new Pope.”⁵

Walters insists this implies that no conclave may be convoked until the See is truly vacante—which, if Benedict never resigned, it never was.

Symbolic Clues: The Semiotics of a Crisis
Throughout the interviews, Walters repeatedly turns to what he calls the “semiotics of ecclesial rupture.” He recalls that in 2013, no coat of arms appeared on the balcony when Francis emerged; the traditional tiara was absent, and the new pope’s words to the faithful began with “Buona sera” rather than a blessing.⁶

By contrast, when Pope Leo XIV appeared on the loggia in May 2025, his heraldic arms were prominently displayed before his entrance—featuring the tiara and crossed keys of full Petrine authority.⁷

“The signs were silent in 2013. In 2025, they spoke with force. What was omitted has been restored.”⁸

Walters posits that this heraldic and liturgical symbolism may indicate a quiet but deliberate course correction, one executed not by declaration, but by sacramental and symbolic reversal.

The Role of Leo XIV: Restoration Through Election?
Walters is cautious not to declare Francis an antipope or Leo XIV a counter-pope. However, he suggests that Leo XIV may have been elected only by legitimate cardinals—that is, those appointed before 2013 by Benedict or John Paul II. This would constitute, in his view, a “valid conclave following the true death of Benedict XVI,” and hence the first legitimate papal election in over a decade.

The choice of the name “Leo”—evoking Leo the Great (who defined the papacy’s dogmatic authority at Chalcedon), Leo III (who crowned Charlemagne), and Leo XIII (who reasserted the papacy’s social teaching and condemned modernism)—is seen as deeply intentional.⁹

“The name Leo is no accident. It is a declaration of doctrinal continuity, not a signal of pastoral novelty.”¹⁰

The Time Constraint: 2036 and the Cardinalate Crisis
Walters introduces a striking eschatological note when he observes that by 2036, only three cardinals created before 2013 will remain under the canonical voting age of 80. This, he argues, sets a de facto deadline for lawful papal succession.¹¹ If no valid conclave is convoked by then—or if the crisis remains unacknowledged—Walters warns that the sacramental structure of the Church itself could become gravely compromised.

Sacramental Fallout and Canonical Consequences
If Bergoglio was never pope, Walters asks, what becomes of:

  • The bishops he appointed?
  • The sacraments those bishops conferred?
  • The ecclesial laws and dispensations he promulgated?

He references the principle ex defectu intentionis—a defect in the necessary form or intent of sacramental acts.¹² If episcopal appointments were invalid, then so too may be ordinations, confirmations, and even absolutions downstream of them.

Such a rupture, he insists, cannot be healed merely by will or sentiment. It requires canonical correction, public or private.

Conclusion: A Church at a Crossroads
In these interviews, Professor Walters does not call for schism, nor does he incite rebellion. Rather, he issues a solemn and scholarly warning: that the juridical confusion following Benedict’s abdication—compounded by a failure to distinguish between form and function—may have led the Church into a long interregnum under the illusion of normality.

Pope Leo XIV, he believes, offers a chance—perhaps the final one—to restore juridical clarity and sacramental certainty.

“Symbols have spoken enough. The Church needs words—true, binding, apostolic words.”¹³

The question remains: will Rome speak? 🔝

  1. Benedict XVI, Declaratio, 11 February 2013: “declaro me ministerio Episcopi Romae… renuntiare.”
  2. Cf. Stefano Violi, La rinuncia di Benedetto XVI: tra storia, diritto e coscienza, Edizioni Dehoniane Bologna, 2013; Raymond L. Burke, “On the Resignation of Pope Benedict XVI,” various statements and interviews 2013–2020.
  3. Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), Can. 335.
  4. Walters, Interview I, Lionel Nation, July 2025. See also the ancient Roman and canonical reckoning of liturgical hours (horae canonicae).
  5. Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), Can. 359.
  6. Walters, Interview I, Lionel Nation, July 2025. Observation corroborated by Catholic media reports from 13 March 2013.
  7. Public appearance of Pope Leo XIV, May 2025; heraldic details described by multiple commentators and in Walters, Interview II.
  8. Walters, Interview II, Lionel Nation, July 2025.
  9. Cf. Denzinger 1432–1439 (Leo I); Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni (Leo III); Rerum Novarum, Leo XIII, 1891.
  10. Walters, Interview III, Lionel Nation, July 2025.
  11. Walters, Interview III; demographic analysis of living cardinals under 80 by creation date (based on 2025 Vatican data).
  12. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, III, q. 64, a. 8; see also Sacramentum Ordinis, Pius XII, 1947.
  13. Walters, Interview I.

Join the Titular Archbishop of Selsey on a deeply spiritual pilgrimage to Rome in the Jubilee Year 2025. This five-day journey will offer pilgrims the opportunity to deepen their faith, visit some of the most sacred sites of Christendom, and participate in the graces of the Holy Year, including the passing through the Holy Door at St. Peter’s Basilica.

A bishop walking on a cobblestone street in Rome, approaching St. Peter's Basilica in the background, dressed in traditional clerical attire.

What to Expect

🛐 Daily Mass & Spiritual Reflection
Each day will begin with the celebration of Holy Mass in the Eternal City, surrounded by the legacy of the early Christian martyrs and the countless Saints who sanctified its streets. This will be followed by opportunities for prayer, reflection, and spiritual direction.

🏛 Visits to the Major Basilicas
Pilgrims will visit the four Papal Basilicas, each housing a Holy Door for the Jubilee Year:

  • St. Peter’s Basilica – The heart of Christendom and the site of St. Peter’s tomb.
  • St. John Lateran – The cathedral of the Pope, often called the “Mother of all Churches.”
  • St. Mary Major – The oldest church in the West dedicated to Our Lady.
  • St. Paul Outside the Walls – Housing the tomb of St. Paul the Apostle.

⛪ Pilgrimage to Other Sacred Sites

  • The Catacombs – Early Christian burial sites and places of refuge.
  • The Holy Stairs (Scala Sancta) – Believed to be the steps Jesus climbed before Pilate.
  • The Church of the Gesù & the tomb of St. Ignatius of Loyola.
  • The Church of St. Philip Neri, renowned for his joyful holiness.

🌍 Exploring the Eternal City
The pilgrimage will include guided sightseeing to some of Rome’s historic and cultural treasures, such as:

  • The Colosseum and the memories of the early Christian martyrs.
  • The Roman Forum and the heart of ancient Rome.
  • The Pantheon and its Christian transformation.
  • Piazza Navona, the Trevi Fountain, and other landmarks.

🍽 Time for Fellowship & Reflection
Pilgrims will have opportunities to enjoy the unique culture and cuisine of Rome, with time set aside for fellowship, discussion, and personal devotion.

Practical Information

  • Estimated Cost: Up to €15000-2000, covering accommodation, guided visits, and entry to sites.
  • Travel Arrangements: Pilgrims must arrange their own flights or transport to and from Rome.
  • Limited Spaces Available – Those interested should register their interest early to receive further details.

📩 If you are interested in joining this sacred journey, express your interest today!

← Back

Thank you for your response. ✨

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Archbishop Mathew’s Prayer for Catholic Unity
Almighty and everlasting God, Whose only begotten Son, Jesus Christ the Good Shepherd, has said, “Other sheep I have that are not of this fold; them also I must bring, and they shall hear My voice, and there shall be one fold and one shepherd”; let Thy rich and abundant blessing rest upon the Old Roman Apostolate, to the end that it may serve Thy purpose by gathering in the lost and straying sheep. Enlighten, sanctify, and quicken it by the indwelling of the Holy Ghost, that suspicions and prejudices may be disarmed, and the other sheep being brought to hear and to know the voice of their true Shepherd thereby, all may be brought into full and perfect unity in the one fold of Thy Holy Catholic Church, under the wise and loving keeping of Thy Vicar, through the same Jesus Christ, Thy Son, who with Thee and the Holy Ghost, liveth and reigneth God, world without end. Amen.

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Old Roman TV

OLD ROMAN TV Daily Schedule Lent 2025: GMT 0600 Angelus 0605 Morning Prayers 0800 Daily Mass 1200 Angelus 1205 Bishop Challoner’s Daily Meditation 1700 Latin Rosary (live, 15 decades) 1800 Angelus 2100 Evening Prayers & Examen 🔝

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Litany of St Joseph

Lord, have mercy on us.Lord, have mercy on us.
Christ, have mercy on us.Christ, have mercy on us.
Lord, have mercy on us. Lord, have mercy on us. 
Christ, hear us.Christ, graciously hear us.
 
God the Father of heaven,have mercy on us.
God the Son, Redeemer of the World,have mercy on us.
God the Holy Spirit,have mercy on us.
Holy Trinity, one God,have mercy on us.
  
Holy Mary,pray for us.
St. Joseph,pray for us.
Renowned offspring of David,pray for us.
Light of Patriarchs,pray for us.
Spouse of the Mother of God,pray for us.
Guardian of the Redeemerpray for us.
Chaste guardian of the Virgin,pray for us.
Foster father of the Son of God,pray for us.
Diligent protector of Christ,pray for us.
Servant of Christpray for us.
Minister of salvationpray for us.
Head of the Holy Family,pray for us.
Joseph most just,pray for us.
Joseph most chaste,pray for us.
Joseph most prudent,pray for us.
Joseph most strong,pray for us.
Joseph most obedient,pray for us.
Joseph most faithful,pray for us.
Mirror of patience,pray for us.
Lover of poverty,pray for us.
Model of workers,pray for us.
Glory of family life,pray for us.
Guardian of virgins,pray for us.
Pillar of families,pray for us.
Support in difficulties,pray for us.
Solace of the wretched,pray for us.
Hope of the sick,pray for us.
Patron of exiles,pray for us.
Patron of the afflicted,pray for us.
Patron of the poor,pray for us.
Patron of the dying,pray for us.
Terror of demons,pray for us.
Protector of Holy Church,pray for us.
  
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,spare us, O Jesus.
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,graciously hear us, O Jesus.
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,have mercy on us, O Jesus.
  
He made him the lord of his householdAnd prince over all his possessions.

Let us pray:
O God, in your ineffable providence you were pleased to choose Blessed Joseph to be the spouse of your most holy Mother; grant, we beg you, that we may be worthy to have him for our intercessor in heaven whom on earth we venerate as our Protector: You who live and reign forever and ever.

Saint Joseph, pray for us.

Note: Pope Francis added these titles to the Litany of St. Joseph in his “Lettera della Congregazione per il Culto Divino e la Disciplina dei Sacramenti ai Presidenti delle Conferenze dei Vescovi circa nuove invocazioni nelle Litanie in onore di San Giuseppe,” written on May 1, 2021:

Custos Redemptoris (Guardian of the Redeemer)Serve Christi (Servant of Christ)Minister salutis (Minister of salvation)Fulcimen in difficultatibus (Support in difficulties)Patrone exsulum (Patron of refugees)Patrone afflictorum (Patron of the suffering)
Patrone pauperum (Patron of the poor)


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Nuntiatoria LX: Missio Fidelis

w/c 29/06/25

A calendar for the week of May 18, 2025, includes various liturgical observances, feast days, and notes for the Old Roman Apostolate.

ORDO

Dies29
SUN
30
MON
01
TUE
02
WED
03
THU
04
FRI
05
SAT
06
SUN
OfficiumSS. Apostolorum Petri et Pauli In Commemoratione S. Pauli ApostoliIn Octava S. Ioannis BaptistæIn Visitatione B. Mariæ VirginisEucharistici Cordis IesuIn Octava Sacratissimi Cordis IesuS. Antonii Mariæ Zaccaria
Confessoris
Pretiosissimi Sanguinis Domini Nostri Jesu Christi
CLASSISDuplex IDuplex majusDuplexDuplex IIFeria majorFeria majorDuplex Duplex I
Color*RubeumRubeumAlbusAlbusAlbusAlbusAlbusRubeum
MISSANunc scioScio, cuiDe ventreSalve sanctaSciens IesuCogitatiónesSermo meusRedemísti nos
Orationes2a. Die III infra Octavam SSmi Cordis Iesu
3a. Dominica III Post Pentecosten
4a. Die VI infra Octavam Nativitatis S. Joannis Baptistæ
2a. Die IV infra Octavam SSmi Cordis Iesu
3a. Die II infra Octavam SS. Petri et Pauli
4a. Die VII infra Octavam Nativitatis S. Joannis Baptistæ
2a. Die V infra Octavam SSmi Cordis Iesu
3a. Die III infra Octavam SS. Petri et Pauli
2a. Die VI infra Octavam SSmi Cordis Iesu
3a. Ss. Processi et Martiniani Martyrum
4a. Die IV infra Octavam SS. Petri et Pauli
2a. Die VII infra Octavam SSmi Cordis Iesu
3a. Die V infra Octavam SS. Petri et Pauli
4a. Die II infra Octavam in Vistatione BMV
2a. Die VI infra Octavam SS. Petri et Pauli
3a. Die III infra Octavam in Vistatione BMV
2a. Die VII infra Octavam SS. Petri et Pauli
3a. ie IV infra Octavam in Vistatione BMV

2a. In Octava Ss. Apostolorum Petri et Pauli
3a. Dominica IV Post Pentecosten
4a. Die V infra Octavam in Vistatione BMV
NOTAEGl. Cr.
Pref. de Apostolis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Apostolis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Communis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Beata Maria Virgine
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Sacratissimo Cordis Iesu
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Sacratissimo Cordis Iesu
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Communis
Gl. Cr.
Pref. de Sancta Cruce
Nota Bene/Vel/Votiva
* Color: Albus = White; Rubeum = Red; Viridis = Green; Purpura = Purple; Niger = Black [] = in Missa privata
** Our Lady of Fatima, a votive Mass may be offered using the Mass Propers for the Immaculate Heart of Mary, August 22nd 🔝

Missio Fidelis

Missio Fidelis – Faithful Mission expresses the unwavering commitment of the Church to proclaim the truth of Christ in season and out of season, regardless of opposition or compromise. It signifies both fidelity to the apostolic mandate and steadfastness in doctrine, liturgy, and pastoral charity amidst a world in revolt.

HE ✠Jerome OSJV, Titular Archbishop of Selsey

Carissimi, Beloved in Christ,

Faithfulness in a Time of Unfaithfulness
On this Feast of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, the twin pillars of the Roman Church, I write to you with paternal concern and apostolic urgency. The days grow darker in the world around us, not only by reason of the deepening moral confusion and the public desecration of life and order, but also due to the increasing collapse of courage within the Church itself.

In this past month alone, we have witnessed the abolition of personhood for the unborn in the United Kingdom, the advance of euthanasia under the guise of mercy, and the growing persecution of Christians across continents—all amid a mounting culture of legislative emotionalism, identity-driven activism, and spiritual amnesia. A generation, spiritually orphaned and politically disoriented, stumbles without shepherds. Meanwhile, the Church—Christ’s spotless Bride—has been defiled by cowardice, compromise, and confusion.

The Crisis Within the Fold
We cannot ignore that many within the hierarchy of the Church have failed to speak clearly where clarity is most needed. From the soft capitulation of bishops to gender ideology, to their silence on the massacre of Christian believers abroad, to their persistent refusal to acknowledge the vocations boom among traditional communities—these betrayals are not accidental. They are the fruits of decades of doctrinal neglect, catechetical voids, and liturgical experimentation that have separated millions from the perennial truths of our holy religion.

Cardinal Nichols himself recently admitted the pressure facing Catholic institutions in light of the UK’s euthanasia legislation. If passed, this law will force Catholic hospices to choose between fidelity to God or compliance with a State that sanctions death as compassion. These are not merely prudential matters. They are theological battles over the very definition of man, the inviolability of life, and the place of God in public reason.

The Family and the War on Nature
Let no one be deceived: identity politics is a counterfeit gospel. It promises belonging, but delivers fragmentation. It names sin as self and preaches affirmation without repentance. But as I have said elsewhere: God knows your sin and calls you by your name; the devil knows your name but calls you by your sin.

What we are facing is not simply error, but a revolution against the created order—against man as male and female, against the family as the domestic church, against authority as a divine ordinance, and ultimately against Christ the King.

A Word to the Young and the Called
To the young men discerning a call to the priesthood: do not be afraid to offer your life in service of the altar of the Most High. The Church is not dead. She suffers. She is in eclipse. But the vocations rising from traditional parishes and apostolates such as our own will soon be the lifeblood of the Catholic future. Already, in France, projections indicate that by 2035, the majority of priests may be traditionalist. And yet, the institutional Church suppresses or ignores this dynamic out of ideological prejudice. Let this not discourage you, but steel your resolve.

The Way Forward
We do not answer the crisis with bitterness or cynicism, but with holiness and fidelity. We must restore the reverence due to the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. We must catechise our children in the faith once delivered. We must serve the poor, speak the truth, defend the weak, and live as if Christ really is King of Heaven and Earth.

We are not here to accommodate ourselves to the age. We are here to outlast it.

Let us, like Peter and Paul, bear the chains of fidelity with joy. Let us preach the truth whether it is convenient or not. Let us entrust ourselves to the Sacred Heart of Jesus and the Immaculate Heart of Mary, our sure refuges in the storm.

Conclusion
I commend all of you—our clergy, our families, our catechists, our youth—to the intercession of Saints Peter and Paul, the Princes of the Apostles. May their witness embolden us in this hour of trial, and may their prayers sustain us in our mission.

With paternal blessing and enduring affection, I remain 🔝

Text indicating a liturgical schedule for the week beginning April 5th, 2025, including notable feast days and rituals.

Recent Epistles & Conferences




A Liturgical Confluence: The Octave-Rich Threshold Before Ordinary Time

Between June 24 (Nativity of St. John the Baptist) and July 6 (Octave Day of SS. Peter and Paul), the traditional Roman Rite presents a tapestry of feasts and octaves that serve as a liturgical intermezzo—a sacred overlap—before the Sundays after Pentecost unfold in earnest. The week surrounding June 29 to July 6 is framed by the close of some octaves, the peak of others, and the entrance into still more:

1. Octave of the Nativity of St John the Baptist (June 24–July 1) This is one of the very few octaves for a saint retained even into later stages of the liturgical reform, underscoring St. John’s unique role as praecursor Domini. It imbues the preceding days with eschatological urgency and penitential light — preparing the world, not for Advent, but for the continuing presence of the Lamb.

2. Octave of SS. Peter and Paul (June 29–July 6) This octave is not only ecclesial but political, theological, and missionary. It affirms the Roman primacy, the unifying blood of martyrdom, and the dual charisms of authority and evangelisation. Its octave day (July 6) often functions as a delayed solemn conclusion to the first half of the liturgical year.

3. Octave of the Sacred Heart of Jesus (Friday after Corpus Christi – Friday following) Falling on July 4th in 2025, the octave of the Sacred Heart saturates the liturgy with the interior life of Christ, His divine charity and mercy. Instituted relatively late (extended to an octave by Leo XIII in 1889), it offers a mystical counterpoint to the more apostolic and ecclesial feasts. Christ’s wounded Heart lies behind the Church’s missionary zeal.

3. Octave of the Visitation (July 2–9, in some usages) In certain calendars, the Visitation also carried an octave, especially before the reforms of St. Pius X. Whether formally observed or not, the theological resonance lingers: Mary brings Christ to others in haste, prefiguring apostolic zeal and incarnational charity.

4. Octave of the Most Precious Blood (July 6-13, pre-1955) Here the theme of sacrificial redemption reaches its climax. Flowing from Calvary and perpetuated in the Eucharist, the Blood of Christ is the price of the Church’s birth, the fuel of her mission, and the antidote to sin. It unites and undergirds all the overlapping feasts: from John the Baptist’s preaching, to Peter and Paul’s martyrdom, to Mary’s Visitation, to the love of the Sacred Heart.

Liturgical Theology: A Pause Filled with Meaning
This rare saturation of octaves accomplishes more than festal repetition:

  • It delays the resumption of “ordinary” Sundays after Pentecost, not by accident, but by purpose: to root the Church’s public life (symbolised by the green season) more deeply in the mysteries of redemption, intercession, and sanctity.
  • It represents a transition from the solemnity of Corpus Christi (and its related feasts) into the season of spiritual fruit-bearing. These days are like a final deep breath before the missionary work of the Church in time continues.

In liturgical terms, this week functions as a kind of “Second Pentecost Octave”, though without that formal title. The Holy Ghost has descended — now we meditate on what the Spirit builds: a Church of martyrs, of preachers, of charity, of divine love, and of sacramental blood.

Conclusion
The stretch from late June to early July in the traditional Roman calendar is not a liturgical leftover from earlier epochs, but a deliberate spiritual concentration. In the overlap of the five octaves — John the Baptist, Sacred Heart, SS. Peter and Paul, Precious Blood, and Visitation — we glimpse the fullness of the Church’s identity: forerunner, lover, martyr, mother, and Redeemer.

Only when these mysteries have been adequately honoured does the Church return to her “green pastures,” ready to follow the Good Shepherd through the Time after Pentecost. 🔝


Feast of Saints Peter and Paul (29 June)

The Church today lifts her eyes to two great pillars—Peter the Rock, and Paul the Apostle of the Nations—whose lives and deaths testify to the unshakable foundation and the expansive mission of Christ’s Church. United in martyrdom, though so different in character, their feast proclaims the unity in diversity of the Church Catholic.

St. Peter, chosen by Christ to be the visible head of the Apostolic College, is the figure of stability and tradition. A fisherman called by the lake of Galilee, he was formed in the school of love and failure: walking on water and sinking, confessing Christ and then denying Him. Yet Christ said to him, “I have prayed for you, that your faith may not fail” (Luke 22:32). The mercy that restored Peter is the same mercy that builds up the Church: a Church of sinners redeemed by grace, where authority is not domination but service grounded in humility. As St. Augustine teaches, Peter’s weeping after his denial shows the Church how to weep, and his restoration teaches the penitent that “there is no reason to despair if they weep with Peter.”¹

St. Paul, by contrast, begins his journey as an enemy of the Church, “breathing threats and murder” (Acts 9:1), but is struck down by the risen Christ and raised up to become His most zealous herald. In Paul we see the drama of conversion and the fire of mission. His voice rings through the centuries: “Woe to me if I do not preach the Gospel!” (1 Cor 9:16). He was not one of the Twelve, but he became an Apostle through the sheer force of divine election. As St. John Chrysostom said, “The Church is indebted more to Paul than to any other man.”² His theology, his journeys, his letters, and above all his sufferings became the pattern of what it means to be conformed to Christ.

And yet, these two men, so different in calling and temperament, are brought together by the providence of God. They died in Rome, the one crucified upside down, the other beheaded. One carried the keys of the kingdom, the other the sword of the Word. In them, as Pope Benedict XVI reflected, we see both “structure and spirit”—the institutional form and the evangelical fire of the Church.³

Today, then, is a feast of apostolic succession and apostolic fervour. To honour Peter without Paul is to forget the call to mission; to honour Paul without Peter is to forget the need for unity and tradition. The Church, said St. Irenaeus, “is founded on the apostles,”⁴ and it is through fidelity to their witness that we too remain faithful to Christ.

As we celebrate this solemnity, let us ask: are we grounded like Peter, yet zealous like Paul? Do we remain steadfast in truth, and yet bold in proclaiming it? Saints Peter and Paul did not begin as heroes. They became saints by grace. And so may we, if we open ourselves to the same transforming love.

Saints Peter and Paul, pray for us. 🔝

¹ St. Augustine, Sermon 147
² St. John Chrysostom, Homily 2 on St. Paul
³ Pope Benedict XVI, Homily for the Solemnity of Sts. Peter and Paul, 2008
⁴ St. Irenaeus, Against Heresies, III.3.1


Missalettes (Corpus Christi/Sacred Heart)

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Spiritual Reflection for the Third Sunday after Pentecost

Missa “Respice in me”

The Third Sunday after Pentecost, with its resonant Collect and Gospel, calls us to the heart of the Gospel: the mercy of God toward sinners. As Dom Guéranger notes, this Sunday continues the “great ascent” of the Time after Pentecost, by which the Church, filled with the Holy Ghost, draws souls upward through the sanctifying mysteries of grace. Today’s liturgy reminds us that the divine economy is not one of cold justice, but of seeking, patient, pursuing mercy.

The Heart of the Good Shepherd
The Gospel (Luke 15:1–10) presents two parables: the lost sheep and the lost drachma. Both reveal a God who seeks the sinner before the sinner seeks Him. This reverses the expectation of human religion. In paganism, it is man who must appease the divine. But as St. Ambrose writes, “Divine mercy does not wait to be asked, but anticipates and seeks out the lost.” Christ, the Good Shepherd, leaves the ninety-nine not because they are abandoned, but because the one is imperiled. He risks the wilderness for the weak. He does not punish the wanderer—He carries him home with rejoicing.

St. Gregory the Great, commenting on this passage, teaches that the ninety-nine represent the angelic choirs, who did not fall, while the hundredth is man—lost, yet sought by Christ and restored to the flock through the Incarnation. The value of the one soul, made in God’s image, outweighs the symmetry of the ninety-nine.

The Coin and the Image
In the second parable, the woman seeks the lost drachma, lighting a lamp and sweeping the house. St. Augustine sees the coin as bearing the King’s image—man, who bears the imago Dei. Sin obscures this image, but it is not erased. The Church, as the woman, lights the lamp of the Word and sweeps the house of the world, seeking the hidden image of God in every soul. The rejoicing of the angels over one penitent testifies to the infinite dignity of each person, however fallen.

The Holy Eucharist and the Seeking Love of God
The Introit “Respice in me et miserere mei” (Look upon me, and have mercy on me) is the cry of the soul that knows it is lost and longs for restoration. The Epistle (1 Peter 5:6–11) urges humility and vigilance. “Cast all your care upon Him, for He hath care of you.” St. Bernard of Clairvaux marvels at the tenderness of this verse: “The Lord bends down to carry our burdens, not because they are heavy for Him, but because He desires our nearness.”

At every Holy Mass, the Shepherd comes again to seek and save. In the Eucharist, He finds us in our wandering and brings us home—not by words alone, but by giving us His very Body and Blood. The altar is the place of rejoicing, not only for the angels but for the penitent who has been lifted up and restored.

Pastoral Vigilance and the Church’s Mission
This Sunday also carries a message for shepherds in the Church. St. John Chrysostom warns pastors not to neglect the lost sheep through complacency or fear: “Woe to the pastor who prefers the safety of the fold to the salvation of the soul.” In an age when many justify sin or abandon the search for the lost entirely, the Church is called not to retreat but to imitate the Shepherd who seeks even one soul with burning charity.

Conclusion
The mercy of God is not indulgence but rescue. It does not affirm our lostness but calls us home. Let us not forget, as St. Thérèse of Lisieux reminds us, that God’s justice is not opposed to His mercy—it is His mercy in action. “How sweet,” she wrote, “to remember that the Lord is just. That is the source of my joy, because He knows our weakness.”

On this Third Sunday after Pentecost, may our hearts be stirred with renewed confidence. We are the sheep He has sought. We are the coin He will not cease to search for. And we are called to rejoice with Him—not only that we have been found, but that we may now share in His mission of seeking, bearing, and rejoicing.

“There shall be joy in heaven upon one sinner doing penance…”
Let us be the cause of such joy—again and again. 🔝


Spiritual Reflection for the Feast of the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary

Missa: Salve sancta parens

“And whence is this to me, that the Mother of my Lord should come to me?” (Luke 1:43)

The Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary to her cousin St Elizabeth is not merely a moment of familial joy—it is a mystery of grace, charity, and prophecy. In the hidden hills of Judea, two women meet: one old and miraculously fruitful, the other young and divinely overshadowed. In their embrace, the New Covenant greets the Old, and the unborn Forerunner leaps for joy before the Word made flesh.

St Ambrose, commenting on this passage, writes: “Mary set out in haste into the hill country… not out of doubt but out of joy, not in uncertainty but in eagerness, not as if compelled but filled with holy zeal.” Her journey is not self-seeking, but self-giving. She who had just received the ineffable mystery of the Incarnation becomes at once the handmaid of the Lord and the servant of others. In this, she is the model of the Christian soul: once touched by grace, we are sent—not to remain still, but to carry Christ to others.

Love Moves Us Outward
The Visitation teaches us that authentic faith overflows into action. As St Francis de Sales observed, “When charity dwells in the heart, it cannot be idle: it urges and excites us to good works.” Mary does not retreat into solitude after her Annunciation. Instead, bearing the hidden Christ in her womb, she hastens to serve Elizabeth. She does not yet know how Joseph will react, nor how Nazareth will treat a virgin found with child. But none of that halts her. Love, like grace, is diffusive of itself.

St Thomas Aquinas explains that “charity inclines the will to the good of another.” This is precisely what we see: Mary, full of the divine life, brings that life to her kinswoman, and with it, the sanctifying presence of the Messiah. At Mary’s greeting, John the Baptist is filled with the Holy Ghost in the womb—a miracle that, as the Church teaches, freed him from original sin before birth. Grace is mediated through her voice, just as one day it will flow from her Son’s touch.

The Song of the Church
Elizabeth’s cry—“Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb!”—has echoed for two millennia in the Hail Mary. Her exclamation, inspired by the Holy Spirit, is the first litany of Marian praise. Yet Mary responds not by magnifying herself, but by magnifying the Lord. “My soul doth magnify the Lord, and my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour.” This is not false humility—it is true adoration.

The Magnificat, as St Bede the Venerable notes, is the canticle of the humble exalted by God. It is the Church’s hymn of thanksgiving in every age: in the triumphs of the martyrs, in the fidelity of the hidden religious, in the quiet perseverance of the poor. Mary, lowly and small in the eyes of the world, is revealed as the ark of the covenant, the new Eve, the mother of the Redeemer. She speaks not of herself, but of God’s mercy, holiness, and faithfulness.

A School of Contemplative Action
The mystery of the Visitation is one of joyful service, prophetic witness, and silent contemplation. Mary bears Christ not only in her womb but in her gestures, her voice, her love. She does not preach, but Christ is made known. She does not command, but grace is released. The spiritual life is not meant to be self-contained. The contemplative soul must become apostolic, just as the apostolic life must be rooted in contemplation. Mary shows us both.

Pope Benedict XVI once said: “Mary carried in her womb the eternal Son, who became man, and she offered Him to the world with boundless love.” On this feast, we are called to do the same: to carry Christ interiorly, through grace, and to bring Him to the world through charity, witness, and joy.

Let us therefore ask the Blessed Virgin to visit us—not merely as a pious memory, but as a living presence in our souls. May she bring Christ to our homes, our hearts, and our communities, so that we too may leap with joy and cry out in wonder: “Whence is this to me, that the Mother of my Lord should come to me?”

Prayer
O Mary, Ark of the New Covenant, hasten to us as once you hastened to Elizabeth. Bear Jesus into the hills of our lives, into the hidden valleys of sorrow and silence. Make our hearts leap with the joy of your Son, and teach us to magnify the Lord, now and always. Amen. 🔝


A sermon for Sunday

by the Revd Dr Robert Wilson PhD (Cantab), Old Roman Apostolate UK

St. Peter and St. Paul/Third Sunday after Pentecost

Today we celebrate the great feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, as well as commemorating the Third Sunday after Pentecost. We mark the feast of these two saints together due to their martyrdom in Rome under the Emperor Nero. Today’s lections focus on St. Peter, while tomorrow’s commemorate St. Paul. Hence, today’s sermon will be about St. Peter.

Simon (later called Peter), along with his brother St. Andrew was a fisherman from Galilee. He was originally a disciple of St. John the Baptist, but was drawn into the following of the one whom John had said would be the Lamb of God who would take away the sins of the world, who would baptise with the Holy Spirit and with fire. His brother St. Andrew told Simon that he had found the one who would be the promised Messiah, the anointed liberator of Israel. Jesus said that though his name was Simon, he would be called Peter, meaning a rock (John 1). This was heavily ironic because St. Peter was a very unstable and impetuous character. After Jesus began his Galilean ministry, he was drawn (along with his brother St. Andrew and the two sons of Zebedee, St. James and St. John) to leave behind his fishing business and became a permanent follower of Jesus (Luke 5). When Jesus subsequently chose twelve disciples, symbolising the twelve tribes of Israel, Peter emerged as their leader. Despite his unstable temperament, he was clearly the dominant personality among Jesus’ followers and had great energy and commitment.

St. Peter saw, like the other followers of Jesus, that he was the one who would be the anointed liberator of Israel, in whom the prophecies of Isaiah about the age to come in which the eyes of the blind were opened and the ears of the deaf unstopped were being fulfilled. At the climax of his Galilean ministry, after the feeding of the Five Thousand, Jesus was compelled to take evasive action when the people tried to make him king by force (John 6). The world could not be won by the world’s own methods. Jesus subsequently withdrew from Galilee into the region of Caesarea Philippi. He asked his disciples about the nature of his person. They said that some thought that he was Elijah, some said John the Baptist, some said Jeremiah, or one of the prophets. But Jesus asked them who they thought he was. St. Peter, as their spokesman, said that he was the Christ, the anointed liberator of Israel. Jesus responded by blessing this great affirmation of faith. This had not been revealed to him by flesh and blood, but by the Father in heaven. He would be called Peter and upon this rock the Church (the faithful remnant of Israel) would be built. He would be given the keys of the kingdom and whatever he bound on earth would be bound in heaven and whatever he loosed on earth would be loosed in heaven (Matthew 16). The power to bind and loose was later given to the other apostles (John 20), but it was given to St. Peter first as their leader and chief spokesman.

But Jesus discerned that St. Peter and the other disciples had not penetrated into the deeper meaning of his person and ministry. He began to teach them that his messianic destiny, enthronement and rule would paradoxically come about through his own reversal, repudiation, suffering and death. He would be the suffering servant of Isaiah, who would follow the path of non-violence. He would be despised and rejected by men, a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief. St. Peter understandably found this message difficult to accept. He had indeed recognised Jesus as the agent of God’s final deliverance of his people, but he had been hoping for another king David, a warrior and a conqueror  who would defeat the pagan enemies of Israel and restore the temple. But Jesus recognised in this the same satanic temptation that he had fought against in the wilderness (Matthew 4), and said that Peter spoke not of the things of God, but of men. The world could not be won by the world’s own methods. Later when St. James and St. John argued about who would have first place in the kingdom, Jesus rebuked them, as he had rebuked St. Peter, by saying that the way of worldly power was pagan, for the kings of the Gentiles exercise authority by force and violence. By contrast, the Son of Man came not to be served, but to serve and to give his life as a ransom for many (Mark 10).

It was not only the crowds who brought palm branches and acclaimed him king at his triumphal entry into Jerusalem who misunderstood the deeper meaning of Jesus’ message, but also Jesus’ most intimate disciples, St. Peter, St. James and St. John. St. Peter protested when Jesus washed his disciples feet on the night on which he was betrayed (John 13) and used violence against the servant of the high priest (whose name was Malchus) at Jesus’ arrest in the Garden of Gethsemane (John 18). But Jesus repudiated the way of violence, and did not resist his arrest, for all they that draw the sword shall die by the sword (Matthew 26). Most famously of all Peter denied knowledge and association with Jesus when confronted during Jesus’ trial, though his Galilean accent gave him away as a follower.

In the end Jesus’ disciples all forsook him and fled, even St. Peter, who had professed his undying loyalty. The time had now come when Jesus no longer taught, but acted and suffered. In turning the other cheek and in going the second mile, he offered himself for the sins of the nation.

But the good news of the gospel is that it does not end there. When St. Peter and St. John went to the tomb on the first Easter morning (John 20), they found the tomb empty. Subsequently, Jesus appeared to his disciples in his risen and glorified body, both in Jerusalem and then later in Galilee. It was on an occasion when the disciples had returned to Galilee and were fishing on the lake that Jesus again appeared to them. St. Peter was reinstated as the leader of the disciples, despite his betrayal and commanded to feed the flock (John 21).

It seems that St. Peter had finally grasped the secret of Jesus’ message about non-violence, and he emerges as the leading spokesman of the followers of Jesus from the day of Pentecost (Acts 2) onwards. His early speeches are recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, and they speak of how the Saviour had fulfilled his vocation, not as a warrior and a conqueror, but as a suffering servant. Herod later persecuted the Church, killing St. James and imprisoning St. Peter. But St. Peter miraculously escaped imprisonment (Acts 12). He now no longer resided in Jerusalem, where the leadership of the Church passed to Jesus’ brother St. James, but travelled preaching the Gospel. His ministry was especially associated with Rome (it is usually thought that he first travelled to Rome after escaping his imprisonment in Jerusalem) and Antioch. Hence, the Church has later celebrated feasts of St. Peter’s Chair, for Antioch as well as Rome.

After the great fire of Rome in 64, the Emperor Nero sought to put the blame on the Christians as the scapegoat for what had happened (popular opinion more reasonably supposed that Nero had started the fire himself as a pretext for rebuilding the city). It seems that the fear that the persecution in Rome could spread to the provinces led St. Peter to dispatch a letter to Asia Minor. In this he emphasised the message that his own experience had most impressed upon him, that the way of the Saviour was not one of violence. When he was reviled, he had not reviled again, but had entrusted himself to the one who judged justly. Christian leadership was not about being lords over God’s heritage, but rather about following the example of the Good Shepherd (1 Peter 5). He had given his life for the sheep, and had died not only as a sacrifice for sin, but also to give an example to his followers of the way of non-violence.

It was probably not long after this letter was dispatched that St. Peter himself was martyred in Rome. The word martyr means witness, and he, for all his earlier unfaithfulness and backsliding, had eventually be found faithful.

The way of non-violence was difficult to accept then, as it is now. Let us pray for grace to strengthen us in our weakness and that, like St. Peter, we will eventually be found faithful at the last. 🔝

Third Sunday after Pentecost

Be sober, be vigilant, for your enemy the devil walketh about as a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour, whom resist, stedfast in the faith.

These words, familiar to us from the office of Compline, were originally written in a letter by St. Peter from Rome (shortly before his own martyrdom) at a time when Christians were facing persecution under the Emperor Nero. The emperor had sought to make the Christians the scapegoat for the fire of Rome, though there were in fact grounds for suspicion that he had started the fire himself as a pretext for rebuilding the city. Fearing that the persecution could spread from Rome to the provinces St. Peter wrote to the Christians in Asia Minor, exhorting them to persevere in the face of likely challenges to their faith. They were to be sober and vigilant, for their enemy the devil walketh about as a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour, whom resist, stedfast in the faith.

But, we might ask, is it really necessary to believe in the devil and dark forces of evil in the twenty first century? Since the European Enlightenment in the eighteenth century such beliefs have been ridiculed as an antiquated superstition which the human race was now finally able to leave behind. Belief in dark forces beyond human control had held people back in previous ages, but mankind had now finally come of age and was able to employ the use of reason and science to address and resolve problems. There was no longer any need to believe that we have no power of ourselves to help ourselves and to pray for divine grace to enable us to think, will and do that which is good. Humanity had risen, not fallen. History was no longer seen to have reached a climax in the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, but rather in the eighteenth century Enlightenment itself.

However, a moment’s reflection should give us pause. It is certainly true that since the European Enlightenment there has been much scientific and technological progress. But sadly it has not always been utilised for good purposes. All too often it has been used to unleash even greater forces of war and violence than were possible in the pre- Enlightenment age. The human race may well have progressed scientifically and technologically, but there remain dark forces at work in the human heart.

In more recent times the limitations of post-Enlightenment rationalism have come increasingly to be  recognised. We are now said to be living in a post-modern age, in which we no longer believe in reason in the old sense, but simply in our own right to follow the devices and desires of our own hearts. Reality is now seen as something that we create, rather than something to which we respond, and the truth is simply whatever we feel at a given time. It is heavily ironic that post- Enlightenment  philosophy originally rejected Christianity in the name of reason and science, only for post-modernism to reject reason and science as well. Post-modernism has to some extent provided a corrective to an over confident belief in human progress, but it leads in the long term only to cynicism and despair.

In this climate many are tempted to revive the old Gnostic or Manichean belief which takes seriously the idea that there are dark and demonic forces at work, but identifies them with the material world. Salvation is hence seen as coming, not through the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, but through esoteric knowledge that will enable us to escape the evil material world altogether.

St. Augustine was initially impressed by what he saw as the superior faith of Manicheanism in contrast to the crude and unsophisticated beliefs of Orthodox Christians. But he eventually came to realise that evil should be seen as a privation of good, just as darkness is the absence of light. In other words, the material world was not itself evil as the Gnostics and Manicheans believed. Rather it was the case that a world that God had created as good had gone wrong due to the fall of man, which had unleashed and led the human race into captivity to dark forces. Somehow these dark forces were greater than the merely human. The devil was seen not as an eternally opposing force to the good, but rather as a fallen angel that had been created good. He had succumbed to pride and had hence became the enemy of the good. It was this dark force that led the human race to fall due to pride and had since held it in captivity.

There was indeed an insoluble tension between what is and what ought to be, but this was not caused by the human race being trapped in an evil material world, but because man, though created in the image and likeness of God, had followed the path of the devil rather than God and had fallen through pride. God had chosen one people, the ancient Israelites, and had released them from slavery in Egypt to be a light to the nations in the face of pagan idolatry. But the Israelites were themselves still fallen and sinful and failed to do as they ought. The prophets therefore looked forward to a new covenant in which sins would finally be forgiven.

This came about through the life, death and resurrection of Jesus. He took the full weight of human sin and the dark forces that ravaged the human heart upon himself and somehow subsumed them into God. He had finally delivered the human race from captivity to the devil and inaugurated a new age in which sins would finally be forgiven.

But, we might say, this is all very well, but are not the dark and demonic forces still as powerful now as they were then? The world is still full of evil and violence and we continue to await the consummation of history at the end of the age when God will finally be all in all, in that new heaven and that new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness.

That is indeed the case, but the early Christians were as fully aware that we do not yet see all things subject to him as we are today. That is why St. Peter exhorted them to remain faithful in the face of demonic attacks and persecution.

But the good news is that they were now fighting a battle that had already been won. We cannot defeat the dark forces by ourselves, but when Jesus rose from the dead, he finally defeated sin and death and now nothing can ultimately separate us from the love of God in Christ. St. Augustine compared the devil to a dog tied to a chain. He stated that “some man will say: If he is bound, why is he still so powerful? It is quite true, my dearly beloved brethren, that he is very powerful; but his lordship is over the lukewarm and the careless, and such as fear not God in truth. He is chained up like a dog and can only bite those who are such suicidal fools as to go within the length of his tether. Look you, my brethren, what a dolt a man must be who getteth himself bitten by a dog that is chained up. Let not the desires and lusts of the world draw thee within reach of him, and he will not be able to get at thee. He can bark, he can whine; but he can only bite those who are willing to be bitten. He assaileth us, not by violence, but by persuasion; he asketh, not seizeth our consent.”

Let us take heart to these words today. Let us ask for grace to strengthen us to persevere in the face of demonic attacks, as we pray for the ultimate defeat of the dark forces that strive against us, and look forward to the final coming of the Kingdom, in that new heaven that new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness. 🔝

Visitation of Blessed Virgin Mary

Today we celebrate the feast of the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Since the Incarnation is the distinctively Christian dogma that marks it out from other religions, the Church rightly gives especial veneration to the mother of God incarnate, who was chosen to be the mother of the Word made flesh. The Council of Ephesus in 431 affirmed her to be the theotokos, the God bearer, for she conceived in her womb the Word made flesh. As the hymn has it

How blest that Mother in whose shrine
The great artificer divine
Whose hand contains the earth and sky
Ordained as in his Ark to lie.

The Church honours Mary as pre-eminent among the saints, not as a figure of independent greatness in her own right, but rather in relation to the child whom she bore, born of a woman, born under the law, in order to redeem those who are under the law, that they might obtain the adoption of sons.

Blessed were the chosen people
Out of whom her Lord did come
Blessed was the land of promise,
Fashioned for his earthly home
But more blessed was the mother,
She who bare him in her womb.

God in Christ has entered the world to redeem us from the curse that fell upon our race as a consequence of the fall of man. For as in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all be made alive. The Church Fathers develop this point further by saying that Mary’s positive response to the angel Gabriel at the Annunciation, Be it unto me according to thy word, reverses Eve’s disobedience. Our vocation as Christians is to become by grace what he is by nature, who humbled himself to share our humanity that we might share his divinity. Mary is the supreme example of one who became by grace what he is by nature. It is therefore right that we celebrate her Conception, her Nativity, her Purification in the Temple, her Visitation to her cousin Elizabeth (which we celebrate today) and her Dormition or Assumption.

Today’s feast marks the visitation of Mary to her cousin Elizabeth, the mother of St. John the Baptist. Yesterday we marked the Octave of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist. It is therefore fitting that we continue this theme by celebrating today Mary’s visitation to her cousin Elizabeth. She had been informed by the angel who declared to her that she would bear a son named Jesus, that her own cousin Elizabeth, who had previously been barren, would also bear a son who would prepare the way for the coming of the Saviour. Mary therefore left her own home in Nazareth and travelled south into the hill country of Judea, where her cousin Elizabeth lived. She entered into the house of Zecharias, the father of John the Baptist, and greeted his wife Elizabeth. When Elizabeth heard Mary’s greeting, the child leaped in her womb. She said to her, “Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb. And whence is this to me, that the mother of my Lord should come to me? For behold, as soon as the voice of thy salutation sounded in my ears, the infant in my womb leaped for joy. And blessed art thou that hast believed, because these things shall be accomplished that were spoken to thee by the Lord.” In response to Mary said the words that we have come to sing at Vespers, “My soul doth magnify the Lord, and my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour.” He had regarded the lowliness of his handmaiden and from henceforth all generation would call her blessed. For he that is mighty has magnified her and holy is his name. His mercy is on them that fear him throughout all generations. He has showed strength with his arm and has scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts. He has put down the mighty from their seats and has exalted the humble and meek. He has filled the hungry with good things and has sent the rich empty away. He has in so doing fulfilled the promise to Abraham that in his seed all the nation of the earth would be blessed.

St. John Chrysostom states: “Thou seest, O beloved, how new and how strange a mystery is here! John is not born, but by leaping he speaketh; he is yet unseen, and he giveth warning; he is not yet able to cry, but by his acts he is heard; he draweth not yet by the breath of life, but he preacheth God; he seeth not yet the light, but he maketh known the sun; he is not come out of the womb, but he hasteth to pay the forerunner; in the presence of the Lord he cannot restrain himself; he rebelleth against the bounds set by nature, and struggleth to break out of the prison set by the belly; his longing is to herald the Saviour…. Great, saith John, is the mystery of that which taketh place here, far from the understanding of men are these doings. It is meet that I should do a new thing in nature for the sake of him who is making new things beyond nature. I see in the womb, because I see the Son of righteousness in the womb. I hear, because I am coming as the herald of the great word. I cry out, because I espy the only begotten Son of the Father clad in flesh. I bond for joy, for I see that he by whom all things were made, hath taken upon him the form of servant. I leap, because I think of the redeemer of the world being made flesh. I run before his coming, and herald his approach unto you with this, as it were, my confession.”

Let us celebrate this feast by making our own the words of today’s collect, “Grant, O Lord, we beseech thee, unto all thy servants, the gift of thy heavenly grace, that even as the Blessed Virgin being made a mother hath been unto them the first step unto their salvation, so the godly and solemn memorial of her visitation, may be the bringer of an increase of peace.” 🔝


Feast of Saints Peter and Paul – Apostolic Witness and the Foundations of the Church

The liturgical solemnity of Saints Peter and Paul, celebrated on June 29, is not merely a hagiographical pairing of two great Apostles. It is a theological icon, a mystical unveiling of the Church’s very constitution, whose foundation is Apostolic—historically grounded, hierarchically ordered, and supernaturally consecrated.

The Petrine Office and the Rock of Unity
St. Peter, the prince of the Apostles, stands at the head of the apostolic college not by merit of eloquence or boldness—indeed, his human frailty is on full display in the Gospels—but by the sovereign choice of Christ, who confers upon him the keys of the Kingdom. “Tu es Petrus, et super hanc petram ædificabo Ecclesiam meam”—this declaration is no mere symbolic gesture. It is the constitutional charter of the visible Church, a Church not built upon charisma or consensus, but upon office and divine institution.

Peter’s confession of Christ’s divinity (Matt. 16:16) and his subsequent restoration and commissioning after the Resurrection (John 21:15–17) mark him as both the confessor and the shepherd—a pattern for all successors in the Roman See. That he should suffer martyrdom in Rome, the centre of empire, is providential. The Vicar of Christ must plant the Cross where the world’s power culminates, that the victory of faith may be proclaimed to the ends of the earth.

The Pauline Vocation and the Mission to the Nations
Yet the Church is not only Petrine in her hierarchical structure; she is Pauline in her missionary dynamism. St. Paul, who calls himself “a priest of the Gospel of God” (Rom. 15:16), exemplifies the theological and evangelical fervour that must accompany and animate the apostolic office. His letters, marked by doxology and dialectic, remain a permanent deposit of sacred doctrine, and his missionary journeys trace the very contours of the Church’s expansion throughout the Gentile world.

Paul is the mystic and the martyr, the theologian and the pastor, the scourge of heretics and the father of the faithful. He preaches not a moral programme, not a social reform, but “Jesus Christ, and Him crucified” (1 Cor. 2:2). And he does so with the conviction of one who bears in his body the stigmata of Christ (Gal. 6:17).

Two Thrones, One Church
Peter and Paul die in Rome, but their martyrdom unites heaven and earth. The blood of Peter sanctifies the Vatican Hill; the blood of Paul hallowed the road to Ostia. In their death, they seal the truth they preached: that Christ is Lord, and His Church is one, holy, catholic, and apostolic.

Rome, therefore, is not merely the administrative capital of Catholicism—it is a mystical city, stained with the blood of the martyrs and luminous with the authority of the Apostles. It is the visible sign of the Church’s unity, the point from which the sound of the Gospel went forth into all the world, and the see whose faith, as St. Irenaeus says, “every Church must agree with.”

Liturgical Tradition and the Apostolic Memory
In the traditional Roman Rite, the Vigil of Saints Peter and Paul, once kept with fasting and penitence, prepared the Church for the radiant feast. The octave, cruelly suppressed in the 1950s, once echoed the Church’s deep veneration for her apostolic roots. In this feast, the sacred liturgy becomes the voice of memory and of prophecy, recalling the origins of our faith and summoning us to fidelity.

The prefaces, collects, and chants do not treat Peter and Paul as interchangeable “ministers” or vague inspirational figures. They are Apostles, chosen and sent by Christ; bishops, empowered with jurisdiction; martyrs, crowned with glory. To lose this precision is to lose the very contours of Catholic identity.

Conclusion: Fidelity to the Apostolic Form
In an age intoxicated with novelty, when even within the Church we hear murmurs against “clericalism” and calls to “reimagine” the apostolic office, this feast reasserts the unchanging foundation: Christ, the Cornerstone; Peter, the Rock; Paul, the Herald. The Church is not ours to remake, but Christ’s to receive and hand on unaltered.

Let us then venerate Peter and Paul not only in pious devotion, but in doctrinal fidelity. Let us resist the temptation to pit structure against spirit, primacy against collegiality, hierarchy against charisma. The two Princes of the Apostles stand not in tension, but in harmony. Together, they show us the form of the Church—divinely instituted, apostolically governed, and forever faithful. 🔝


Feast of the Most Precious Blood of Our Lord Jesus Christ – 1st Sunday in July

“You have been bought at a great price” (1 Cor. 6:20)

The feast of the Most Precious Blood of Our Lord Jesus Christ, long cherished in the traditional Roman calendar and solemnly kept on the first Sunday in July, is a profound liturgical confession of the price of our redemption, the reality of the Sacrifice, and the centrality of the Cross. It is not a pious metaphor but a dogmatic proclamation: that Christ our High Priest has entered once for all into the heavenly sanctuary, “not with the blood of goats and calves, but with His own Blood, having obtained eternal redemption” (Heb. 9:12).

The Blood that Speaks More Eloquently than Abel’s
The Epistle to the Hebrews contrasts the blood of Abel, which cries out for justice, with the Blood of Christ, which pleads for mercy (cf. Heb. 12:24). This is no abstraction. The Blood shed at Gethsemane, trickling under the thorns, pouring from scourged flesh, and gushing from His pierced side, is the same Blood mystically offered upon the altar in every true Mass. It is the “price of our salvation,” as the litany of the Precious Blood repeatedly affirms.

St. Thomas Aquinas writes with precision that the shedding of Christ’s Blood was essential to our redemption, not merely as a symbol but as the instrument of our salvation: “efficacissimum nostrae reconciliationis instrumentum”—the most efficacious instrument of our reconciliation (ST III, q. 66, a. 6 ad 2). The Blood is not only a sign of suffering—it is the very medium of the new and eternal covenant (Matt. 26:28).

Dogma Enfleshed in Devotion
The cultus of the Precious Blood was solemnly affirmed by Pope Pius IX in 1849, in thanksgiving for the restoration of the Papal States during a time of revolutionary upheaval. It was Pope St. Pius X who fixed the feast on July 1, giving it liturgical pride of place to begin the month traditionally dedicated to the Precious Blood. And in 1934, Pope Pius XI elevated it to the rank of a double of the first class, a fitting gesture in the face of growing secularism and war.

In the 20th century, the cult of the Sacred Heart and the Precious Blood—twin devotions rooted in the Incarnate Word’s human nature—came to be viewed as the Church’s response to a world increasingly deaf to metaphysical truth and hardened against sacrificial love.

The Blood of the Lamb and the Mass of the Ages
In the traditional Roman Missal, the feast of the Precious Blood is rich in theological density and liturgical dignity. The Collect speaks of the “price of our salvation” (pretiosae redemptionis pretium), the Epistle from Hebrews teaches the typology of the Old Covenant, the Gradual exults that God “has redeemed His people,” and the Gospel from John 19 places us at the foot of the Cross, beholding the open side of Christ.

This is not sentimentality. It is theologia crucis—“theology of the Cross”—at its most sublime. The Church, in her traditional liturgy, gives us no illusions. Salvation is not cheap, and grace is not an entitlement. It was purchased at infinite cost.

That cost is re-presented upon every altar where the Holy Sacrifice is offered according to the Roman Rite. The chalice, veiled in red on this day, is not a token or reminder. It is, in the words of the Consecration, the chalice of the Blood of the new and eternal covenant, which shall be poured out for you and for many unto the remission of sins.

A Feast that Modernity Could Not Bear
That this feast was abolished in the calendar of Paul VI and merged obscurely into Corpus Christi is telling. Modern man, allergic to sin and scandalised by sacrifice, cannot endure the language of blood. The very word repels a generation addicted to euphemism and allergic to guilt.

But for the traditional Catholic, the Precious Blood is not an embarrassment but a boast: “God forbid that I should glory, save in the Cross of Our Lord Jesus Christ” (Gal. 6:14). It is the banner under which we march, the shield against the enemy, the balm for the wounded, the seal of our adoption.

Conclusion: Washed and Marked by the Blood
To honour the Precious Blood is to confess the whole Catholic faith: the Fall of man, the necessity of grace, the Incarnation, the Sacrifice, the priesthood, the altar, the sacraments, and the hope of glory. This Blood is not a relic of ancient violence. It is the beating heart of tradition, pulsing through the veins of the Mystical Body.

Let us then kneel and adore the Blood that fell upon Calvary, flows in the chalice, and seals the martyrs. And let us pray with the Church: “Thou hast redeemed us, O Lord, in Thy Blood, and hast made us a kingdom for our God.” 🔝



Forgotten Rubrics: The Leonine Prayers

The Leonine Prayers—once a familiar feature of Catholic life—have all but disappeared from parish memory, victims of the liturgical upheavals following the Second Vatican Council. Instituted by Pope Leo XIII in 1884, these prayers were originally said after Low Mass, primarily for the defense of the Church’s liberty in the face of secular encroachments, and later explicitly offered for the “conversion of Russia.” Though once universal, they have been suppressed in most parishes, quietly discarded under the mistaken assumption that they belonged to a now irrelevant ecclesial context. But in an age increasingly marked by apostasy, global persecution, and moral confusion, the Leonine Prayers deserve a renewed hearing.

Origins and Purpose
he Orationes Leoninae were first mandated by Leo XIII in the wake of the loss of the Papal States and the increasing hostility of liberal governments toward the Church. These brief but potent prayers were not part of the Mass proper, but a devotional supplement offered immediately after the final blessing and dismissal of Low Mass. The original intention was to beg God’s protection over the temporal independence of the Holy See. As Pope Leo XIII stated:

“These prayers after Mass are to be offered for a most grave necessity, that is, for the freedom of the Church and the Holy See” (Acta Sanctae Sedis, vol. 16, 1883).

In 1930, Pope Pius XI redirected their intention toward the “conversion of Russia,” in response to the spread of atheistic Communism after the Bolshevik Revolution. These prayers thus became a spiritual weapon in the arsenal of Catholic resistance to militant secular ideologies.

Structure of the Prayers
The prayers, familiar to older generations, consist of the following sequence:

  1. Three Hail Marys
  2. Salve Regina
  3. Versicle and Response:
    V. Ora pro nobis, sancta Dei Genetrix.
    R. Ut digni efficiamur promissionibus Christi.
  4. Collect (Oremus… Deus, refugium nostrum et virtus…)
  5. Prayer to St Michael the Archangel (Sancte Michael Archangele…)
  6. Threefold invocation: Cor Jesu sacratissimum, miserere nobis.

They form a compact but theologically rich set of intercessions: Marian, Christocentric, and militant in tone. The prayer to St. Michael, in particular, is a rallying cry for spiritual warfare—an acknowledgment that behind the assaults on the Church stands the prince of darkness himself.

Suppression and Amnesia
In 1964, with Inter Oecumenici (Instruction for the Proper Implementation of the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy), the Leonine Prayers were officially suppressed:

“The prayers after Low Mass… are to be omitted” (Inter Oecumenici, §48).

The reasons were largely practical and ecumenical: to distinguish clearly between the liturgy proper and devotions appended to it, and to remove anything perceived as politically charged in the context of new Church-State relations or Cold War tensions. However, the effect was to deprive the faithful of a powerful liturgical tradition of post-Mass intercession and spiritual vigilance. Few replacements were offered. The prayers vanished without ceremony.

Relevance Today
Yet the rationale for these prayers remains tragically current. The temporal independence of the Holy See is once again in question—not through military conquest, but through internal financial scandal and external diplomatic manipulation. The conversion of Russia, and more broadly the conversion of secularised nations, is still unfulfilled. A global moral apostasy has replaced open persecution, but the Church is under siege from without and within. And as St. Paul reminds us, “our struggle is not against flesh and blood… but against principalities and powers” (Eph. 6:12).

If anything, the need for the Leonine Prayers is more acute now than ever.

A Call to Restoration
Traditional Catholic communities, including those within the Old Roman, SSPX, and Ecclesia Dei groups, have preserved the Leonine Prayers as part of their commitment to the perennial Roman Rite. There is no theological or pastoral reason why they should not be restored—especially as optional devotions—after Low Masses in any community that recognizes the spiritual battle of our time.

More than a nostalgic throwback, the Leonine Prayers form part of a coherent Catholic spirituality of vigilance, intercession, and militant charity. Their restoration would serve not only to reconnect Catholics with their devotional heritage but to arm them anew for the combat of the faith.

Cor Iesu Sacratissimum, miserere nobis.
Sancte Michael Archangele, defende nos in proelio.
Sancta Dei Genetrix, ora pro nobis. 🔝


5 Holy Doors: What Every Catholic Should Know Jubilee 2025

As the Church prepares to enter the 2025 Jubilee Year—the Jubilee of Hope—the faithful are being invited once again to pass through the Holy Doors of Rome, a rich and symbolic tradition signifying repentance, grace, and new life in Christ. This Jubilee, proclaimed by Pope Francis in his bull Spes Non Confundit (“Hope Does Not Disappoint”) on the feast of the Ascension, will begin on Christmas Eve, 2024, and conclude on the Epiphany, January 6, 2026.

The Five Holy Doors of Jubilee 2025
For this extraordinary Holy Year, five Holy Doors will be opened:

  1. St. Peter’s Basilica – opened by Pope Francis on Christmas Eve; it will also be the last to close on the Epiphany 2026.
  2. St. John Lateran – opened on Dec. 29, the feast of the Holy Family.
  3. St. Mary Major – opened on Jan. 1, the solemnity of Mary, Mother of God.
  4. St. Paul Outside the Walls – opened on Jan. 5.
  5. Rebibbia Prison Chapel – a Jubilee innovation: a Holy Door among the incarcerated, opened personally by the Pope.

The three major basilicas after St. Peter’s will close their Holy Doors on December 28, 2025, a week before the Jubilee ends.

What Is a Holy Door?
As Spes Non Confundit affirms, the Holy Door is a symbol of Christ Himself—“the door” (John 10:7) by which we enter into salvation. Pilgrims who pass through these doors with faith and contrition express their desire to leave behind sin and enter more deeply into communion with the Church.

St. John Paul II, in his own Jubilee bull Incarnationis Mysterium (1998), powerfully taught that the Holy Door “evokes the passage from sin to grace,” reminding the faithful that to pass through it is to “confess that Jesus Christ is Lord” and commit to the “new life” He offers.

Scriptural Roots and Patristic Imagery
The symbolism of the Holy Door is deeply scriptural:

  • “Knock, and the door shall be opened” (Luke 11:9)
  • “Behold, I stand at the door and knock” (Rev 3:20)
  • “I am the gate. Whoever enters by me will be saved” (John 10:9)

These verses are not mere metaphors but truths fulfilled in Christ, echoed by the Fathers of the Church. St. Augustine sees Christ as “the door by which the shepherds and sheep enter” (In Io. Ev. Tract. 47), while St. Gregory the Great writes, “He is the door because He opens the way to eternal life.”

A Tradition Rooted in History
The tradition of the Jubilee Year began with Pope Boniface VIII in 1300, though the practice of opening a Holy Door came later, first recorded in 1423 at St. John Lateran. In 1499, Pope Alexander VI extended the practice to the other three major basilicas of Rome. By the 16th century, Jubilee Years were fixed every 25 years—with extraordinary Jubilees proclaimed at the Pope’s discretion, such as 1933 (the 1900th anniversary of Redemption) and 2000.

Ritual and Symbolism
From 1525 to 1950, the Holy Door of St. Peter’s was walled up and ceremonially broken open with a silver hammer by the Pope. Since the Jubilee of 1975 and especially in 2000, greater emphasis has been placed on the door itself—now cast in bronze with 16 biblical bas-reliefs depicting the history of sin and redemption, from Adam and the Angel to the Good Thief, Thomas’ doubt, and the opening of the Holy Door itself.

As Cardinal Virgilio Noè once wrote: “The sixteen panels of the door are like the verses of a hymn, which sing of God’s infinite mercy.”

Mercy for the Incarcerated
In a striking gesture, Pope Francis has chosen to open one of the five Holy Doors at Rebibbia Prison, inviting prisoners to experience the mercy and hope of the Jubilee. In Spes Non Confundit, he urges that all prisoners “look to the future with hope and a renewed sense of confidence.” This aligns with his vision of a Church that reaches to the peripheries, a theme he consistently returns to in his pontificate.

Pastoral Significance
The Holy Doors are not talismans, but sacramental signs calling the faithful to conversion, penance, and spiritual renewal. They offer an opportunity for indulgences, as per the ordinary conditions: sacramental confession, reception of the Eucharist, and prayers for the intentions of the Holy Father.

As the master of papal liturgical celebrations has noted, the prayer used before opening the Holy Door is drawn from Luke 4:18, where Christ proclaims “a year of favor from the Lord.” The Church, continuing His mission, invites all to encounter the “Door of Hope” (Hosea 2:15) and to rediscover the promise of mercy and transformation.

Conclusion: The Door Is Open—But Must Be Crossed
Ultimately, the Holy Door confronts each Catholic with a decision. As John Paul II said, “To pass through that door means to confess that Jesus Christ is Lord.” It is an act of hope, an embrace of divine mercy, and a step toward renewal. As the 2025 Jubilee of Hope approaches, Catholics are called not merely to admire the door—but to walk through it. 🔝

  1. Spes Non Confundit, Bull of Indiction of the Jubilee Year 2025, Pope Francis, May 9, 2024.
  2. Incarnationis Mysterium, Bull of Indiction of the Great Jubilee of the Year 2000, Pope John Paul II, Nov 29, 1998.
  3. St. Augustine, Tractates on the Gospel of John, Tractate 47.
  4. St. Gregory the Great, Homilies on the Gospels, Homily 19.
  5. Cardinal Virgilio Noè, The Holy Door in St. Peter’s, Libreria Editrice Vaticana.
  6. Catechism of the Catholic Church, §§1471–1479, on indulgences and Jubilee participation.


Leo XIV and the Restoration of Social Doctrine
A Return to Rerum Novarum and a Rejection of Modernist Praxis

When Pope Leo XIV addressed the College of Cardinals on 10 May 2025—just two days after his election—he made a striking declaration: he had taken the name “Leo” in honour of Pope Leo XIII and his encyclical Rerum Novarum (1891), the foundational charter of modern Catholic social teaching¹. This was no mere nod to history. It was a deliberate signal that his pontificate would root itself not in post-conciliar ambiguity, but in the perennial moral and theological vision of the Church.

Reiterating this connection to diplomats the following week, and again in his address on May 17, Pope Leo XIV made it clear that Catholic social teaching must begin not with technocratic management, sentimental impulses, or sociological compromise—but with the immutable truths of the Gospel applied through reason and grace.

A Teaching Reclaimed, Not Merely Cited
Some might ask whether this invocation of Leo XIII is more symbolic than substantial. But Leo XIV has gone beyond mere name-dropping. In form, structure, and content, his statements clearly align with the substance of Rerum Novarum and the doctrinal tradition it inspired. He cites not only the text itself, but also its ghostwriters—Thomist giants such as Cardinal Zigliara and Fr. Matteo Liberatore. He identifies and affirms the four foundational principles of Catholic social doctrine that unfold directly from Leo XIII’s vision:

  1. The Church is authoritative and necessary in social, political, and economic matters²;
  2. The end of economic life is the moral and religious good of the human person, not mere material prosperity³;
  3. Property, especially productive property, should be distributed as widely as possible to support family life and domestic society⁴;
  4. The state has a duty to regulate the use of property for the common good, without abolishing the natural right to private ownership⁵.

This framework is not a nostalgic reproduction. It is a doctrinal recovery—and it directly contradicts much of the prevailing direction in the Church’s recent social engagement.

Clarity Against Confusion: Leo XIV vs Contemporary Praxis
Leo XIV’s retrieval of authentic Catholic social teaching stands in stark opposition to the dominant modernist tendencies of the post-Vatican II Church. His vision confronts five key areas where the Church’s praxis has drifted from its doctrinal roots:

1. Authority vs Dialogue While modern ecclesial discourse often emphasizes “listening,” “synodality,” and accompaniment, Leo XIV insists that the Church has both the authority and the obligation to pronounce moral judgments on political and economic questions. As Pius XI taught, and Leo XIV reiterates, the Church cannot remain silent without failing her mission as mother and teacher⁶. The social order must be judged in light of the Gospel, not negotiated with secular ideologies.

2. Justice before Mercy Where modern pastoral language frequently prioritizes compassion, inclusion, and emotional resonance, Leo XIV reasserts that the first principle of charity is justice. Helping the poor is not optional altruism; it is a demand of natural law and divine revelation⁷. In stark contrast to contemporary social programs within the Church that mimic secular humanitarianism, Leo XIV restores a moral and theological foundation to all such action.

3. Distributism vs Global Technocracy In contrast to Vatican programs increasingly aligned with UN development goals or global climate initiatives, Leo XIV affirms distributism: the ideal of widespread ownership of productive property rooted in family life and subsidiarity. This stands against both socialist collectivism and capitalist concentration, as well as against the modern Vatican’s often technocratic and centralizing tendencies. Leo XIV’s endorsement of distributist economics implicitly critiques the globalist instincts of Laudato Si’, Fratelli Tutti, and Vatican economic forums⁸.

4. Lay Apostolate in the World, Not the Sanctuary Leo XIV restores the correct interpretation of Vatican II’s Apostolicam Actuositatem. The Council called laypeople to sanctify the temporal order, not to crowd the sanctuary with pseudo-liturgical roles. The pope identifies and condemns two errors:

  • Clericalization of the temporal: expecting clergy to lead Catholic social action, which is properly the vocation of the laity;
  • Laicization of the sacred: expecting laypeople to find significance only in liturgical or parish roles, rather than in their baptismal call to transform family, economy, and culture.

This correction is radical—not in novelty, but in its return to doctrinal integrity.

5. Evangelization Through Order, Not Sentimentalism Finally, Leo XIV upends the dominant pastoral model that treats evangelization as emotional accompaniment. He revives the principle that the end of social order is the beatific vision, and that all structures—political, economic, legal—must be oriented to man’s eternal destiny. This view, rooted in Pius XII’s doctrine of integrality and Pius XI’s kingship of Christ, contrasts with a Church that has too often substituted sentiment for salvation, or consensus for conversion.

Not Idealism, but Imperative
Pius XI warned against treating the teachings of Rerum Novarum as “a kind of imaginary ideal of perfection more desirable than attainable”⁹. Leo XIV agrees. The four principles he affirms are not high-minded hopes. They are morally binding realities, forming part of the ordinary magisterium of the Church. As he puts it, doctrine teaches us how to approach problems, and even more importantly, how to approach people¹⁰.

That doctrine is not subject to public consensus. It must be taught, applied, and lived—above all by the laity, whom Leo XIV summons to rediscover their mission. As Vatican II stated, “Catholics should feel themselves obliged to promote the true common good”¹¹. Not by waiting for episcopal approval, nor by seeking liturgical roles, but by conforming the laws, culture, and customs of nations to the Gospel.

Conclusion: A Line in the Sand
If Pope Leo XIV’s speeches are followed by consistent teaching and governance, he will have drawn a clear line between the tradition of Leo XIII and the experiments of modernism. He will have called the Church back to her authentic mission: not as a chaplain to secular power, but as Mater et Magistra—Mother and Teacher to all nations.

This is not reaction. It is restoration.

Let those with ears to hear, listen. 🔝

  1. Apostolicam Actuositatem, n. 14.
  2. Pope Leo XIV, Address to the College of Cardinals, 10 May 2025.
  3. Cf. Rerum Novarum, n. 16; Quadragesimo Anno, nn. 41–43; Centesimus Annus, n. 5.
  4. Rerum Novarum, n. 23; Mater et Magistra, n. 119.
  5. Rerum Novarum, nn. 5–15; Quadragesimo Anno, nn. 53–75.
  6. Mater et Magistra, nn. 18–21; Centesimus Annus, nn. 30–31.
  7. Quadragesimo Anno, n. 41.
  8. Leo XIV, Address to Social Sciences Congress, 17 May 2025.
  9. Cf. critiques of the Vatican’s involvement in the Global Compact, World Economic Forum, and secular climate agreements.
  10. Quadragesimo Anno, n. 28.
  11. Leo XIV, Address to Social Sciences Congress, 17 May 2025.

The Seal on Trial: Washington State, Religious Liberty, and the Assault on Sacramental Confession

On 2 May 2025, Washington State Governor Bob Ferguson—a self-identified Catholic—signed into law SB 5375, legislation that mandates clergy to report suspicions of child abuse or neglect, even when disclosed in the Sacrament of Confession¹. The law, set to take effect on 27 July 2025, eliminates the long-standing legal exemption for priest-penitent privilege, threatening jail time and fines for noncompliance². In so doing, it strikes at the heart of the Catholic faith and the constitutional right to the free exercise of religion.

An Attack on Sacrament and Conscience
Canon Law is unambiguous: the seal of confession is inviolable. Canon 983 §1 states that “the sacramental seal is inviolable; therefore, it is absolutely forbidden for a confessor to betray the penitent in any way for any reason”³. Violation of the seal results in automatic excommunication (latae sententiae) reserved to the Apostolic See⁴. The sanctity of this seal is not merely a disciplinary rule—it pertains to the divine law governing the sacrament itself.

Forcing priests to choose between divine mandate and civil penalty is a violation of conscience. As Fr. Gerald Murray observed on The Arroyo Grande Show, such coercion “undermines the priest’s very ability to minister”⁵. Were this principle broadly adopted, sacramental confession in the United States would cease to be safe or sacramental.

The Federal Lawsuit and the Double Standard
On 23 June 2025, the United States Department of Justice filed suit against Washington State, arguing that the law violates both the First Amendment’s Free Exercise Clause and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment⁶. Harmeet K. Dhillon, Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division, stated, “Washington’s law forces clergy to choose between jail and the sacraments—a choice no government has the authority to demand”⁷.

The bishops of Seattle, Spokane, and Yakima filed a parallel suit, warning that SB 5375 “criminalizes the faithful discharge of priestly duty” and discriminates against Catholics by uniquely targeting their sacramental obligations⁸.

Commentator Robert Royal rightly pointed out the ideological hypocrisy: “In the same jurisdictions where school counselors are protected from informing parents about minors’ gender transitions, Catholic priests are compelled to betray their sacred trust”⁹. The contrast is not merely illogical—it is instructive. It reveals the shifting center of public morality, in which religious conscience is expendable when it conflicts with the therapeutic and administrative imperatives of the state.

Historical and Legal Precedent
The protection of priest-penitent confidentiality is not new. In the early American case People v. Philips (1813), the New York Court of General Sessions upheld the seal of confession, establishing a precedent for religious privilege under common law¹⁰. Since then, most states have recognized some version of this privilege—acknowledging its necessity for the integrity of sacramental practice.

Washington State now joins a small and deeply controversial list of jurisdictions—California briefly among them—that have attempted to override this protection. Courts have historically blocked such attempts, recognising them as unconstitutional intrusions into religious practice¹¹.

What Is at Stake
This controversy is not about shielding abusers; it is about whether the state can compel priests to become agents of surveillance under threat of imprisonment. As Fr. Murray has noted, true repentance in confession often includes encouraging the penitent to self-report serious crimes¹². But the decision to confess to civil authorities must arise from penitent conscience, not coerced priestly betrayal.

The confessional is not a counseling booth—it is the tribunal of divine mercy. Undermining its sanctity deprives sinners of a spiritual lifeline, imposes fear and distrust, and assaults the Church’s sacramental life.

A Wider Cultural Pattern
This legislation forms part of a broader pattern in post-Christian societies: the expansion of state power into moral and religious domains previously considered inviolable. Pope Benedict XVI warned of such trends in his 2010 address to the British Parliament, describing the marginalization of religion from the public square as a mark of aggressive secularism¹³.

Washington’s law is not neutral. It expresses a functional disbelief in the supernatural efficacy of the sacraments, treating the seal of confession as a religious superstition to be discarded when inconvenient. But to Catholics, this seal is not negotiable. It is grounded in divine institution, not public opinion.

Conclusion
The defense of the sacramental seal is, ultimately, the defense of religious liberty itself. Catholics cannot—and must not—comply with laws that attempt to insert the state into the sacred encounter between penitent and priest. If this seal falls, no religious freedom will remain secure.

The lawsuits now underway may determine whether American law still recognizes the freedom of religion as a limit to the power of the state—or whether Catholic clergy must face the martyrdom of handcuffs for fidelity to Christ. 🔝

¹ Washington State Legislature, SB 5375, 2025 Regular Session.
² Lynnwood Times, “Gov. Ferguson Signs Law Compelling Priests to Report Confessional Abuse,” 2 May 2025.
³ 1917 Code of Canon Law, can. 889; 1983 Code of Canon Law, can. 983 §1.
⁴ 1983 CIC, can. 1388 §1.
⁵ The Arroyo Grande Show, episode broadcast 25 June 2025.
⁶ U.S. Department of Justice, “DOJ Sues Washington State over Anti-Catholic Confession Law,” 23 June 2025.
⁷ Harmeet K. Dhillon, DOJ Press Conference Transcript, 23 June 2025.
⁸ Pillar Catholic, “Washington Bishops Sue over Seal of Confession Law,” 29 May 2025.
⁹ The Arroyo Grande Show, op. cit.
¹⁰ People v. Philips, New York Court of General Sessions, 1813.
¹¹ Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, “Defending the Confessional Seal,” Legal Briefing, June 2025.
¹² The Arroyo Grande Show, op. cit.
¹³ Pope Benedict XVI, Address to British Parliament, Westminster Hall, 17 September 2010.


Faith in the Public Square: A Voice Repeated, A Warning Unheeded

“It’s a great honour to be invited to speak to such a distinguished company. We need Christian faith in the public square.” With those words, Professor John Lennox — renowned Oxford mathematician and Christian apologist — opened his address to more than 170 MPs and civic leaders gathered in Westminster Hall for this year’s National Parliamentary Prayer Breakfast.

The theme, God in the Public Square, could not have been more timely. Amidst legal upheavals over assisted suicide, the removal of unborn personhood in law, and deepening cultural division, Lennox’s message was both a plea and a rebuke: to deny Christian voices in politics is not neutrality — it is to evacuate the public square of any moral anchor.

Everyone Brings a Faith
Lennox rejected the notion that only secular reasoning belongs in legislative debate. “Everyone brings their faith in something into the public square,” he said. “If people of faith are to be kept out, the public square would be empty.” At a time when Parliament is statistically more religiously diverse — and more religiously indifferent — than at any point in modern history, Lennox’s reminder was not sectarian but civilisational.

Drawing on recent high-profile political debates, including a transatlantic exchange between U.S. Vice President JD Vance and former MP Rory Stewart, he reminded his listeners that values like equality and dignity did not arise from abstract reason but are deeply rooted in Christian revelation — even when cloaked in secular language.

“Faith in God is not irrational,” he insisted. “Christianity and science are complementary modes of understanding.” This, from a man who has debated atheists such as Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens on global stages, was not naïve sentiment but intellectually tested truth.

A Refrain from the Past
Yet Lennox’s appeal echoed another voice — one raised in the same hall fifteen years prior: Pope Benedict XVI, addressing the assembled members of both Houses of Parliament during his 2010 State Visit. Speaking from the spot where Thomas More stood trial, Benedict declared:

“The role of religion in political debate is not so much to supply these norms, as to help purify and shed light upon the application of reason to the discovery of objective moral principles.”¹

He warned that when reason is detached from faith, it becomes vulnerable to ideology — a “dictatorship of relativism” in which policy is shaped not by truth but by popular sentiment or emotional force.

Though warmly received at the time, Benedict’s words have largely been forgotten. In the years since, British political life has veered further into moral subjectivism. Christian moral frameworks are increasingly marginalised, if not vilified. Recent legislation has:

  • Legalised abortion to birth under the guise of decriminalisation — effectively removing legal recognition of the unborn as persons²;
  • Advanced euthanasia legislation despite clear warnings from palliative care experts, including Professor Mark Taubert³;
  • Undermined parental rights and conscience protections in education and healthcare settings.

Far from welcoming the Christian conscience, public policy has progressively reduced it to private sentiment — irrelevant, if not obstructive, to lawmaking.

Reflections from the Hall
Labour MP Rachel Maskell, chair of Christians in Parliament, commented that “this is our public square as parliamentarians… having that focus on Jesus in Parliament today was just so needed.” Tim Collins MP added: “Politics can be non-Christian, but Christianity can’t be non-political.”

But such affirmations only underscore the gulf between sentiment and practice. The Archbishop of York, Most Rev Stephen Cottrell, called on Christian lawmakers to bring the “goodness, beauty, values and truth of the Christian faith” into public affairs — yet failed to mention how Parliament has recently presided over legislative moves that enshrine the very opposite: the destruction of innocent life, the redefinition of the family, and the silencing of traditional moral voices.

As Christian commentator Peter Lynas reflected on social media, the Prayer Breakfast brought a genuine sense of unity and prayerful seriousness — but that unity must be matched by moral courage in the public square. Otherwise, the event risks being reduced to spiritual pageantry amidst political decay.

A Voice Still Speaking
The tragedy of Pope Benedict’s 2010 address is not that it was rejected — but that it was applauded and then ignored. John Lennox’s 2025 speech may fare no differently unless its hearers confront the hard truth: the Christian conscience is not merely a private comfort, but a public obligation. If Christians do not speak, others will. And they already are.

What Lennox and Benedict remind us is that democracy cannot sustain itself on process alone. Without a moral vision rooted in the dignity of man made in the image of God, law itself becomes a function of will — or worse, of feeling. And feeling, as history shows, is no stable foundation for justice. 🔝

¹ Address of Pope Benedict XVI to Civil Society, Westminster Hall, 17 September 2010.
² UK House of Commons Hansard, 20 June 2025, debate on amendment to decriminalise abortion.
³ Prof. Mark Taubert, “I’m a palliative care doctor – the new assisted dying Bill puts the vulnerable at risk,” The Telegraph, 25 June 2025.


“Through the Roof”: Christian Charities Warn of Crisis as Welfare Reform Vote Looms

As MPs prepare to vote on the government’s new welfare reform package, Christian leaders, charities, and social researchers are warning that the changes could devastate thousands of vulnerable households. Jessica Foster of the Trussell Trust has called on churches to offer practical and spiritual support, as many claimants experience “anxiety levels through the roof” over the prospect of losing essential benefits.

The proposed reforms to Personal Independence Payments (PIP), Universal Credit (UC), and disability assessments have triggered fierce public backlash. Despite Downing Street’s insistence that the aim is to help people with long-term conditions into work, opposition is mounting—including from more than 120 Labour MPs who signed a motion to block the Bill.

The Trust, which coordinates a nationwide network of over 1,400 food banks, estimates that nearly half a million additional people could be driven to food aid as a result of the legislation. Foster, Head of Church Engagement, stated:

“Two-thirds of people coming to our food banks have a disability—and that figure rises to 75% in households. We are already stretched. This Bill will undoubtedly push more people into poverty, and that’s exactly the direction we are trying to stop.”

She shared accounts from a recent prayer meeting, where individuals reliant on PIP spoke of real and immediate fear:

“Someone has a condition requiring regular massages to stay mobile—these aren’t covered by the NHS, so PIP pays for them. Without it, they’ll be housebound. Another uses PIP to cover rural transport. One person can’t afford to charge their electric wheelchair without that support.”

Foster urged churches to make time for conversations with the disabled and to raise the issue in Sunday intercessions, calling on believers to “email your MP and pray for justice.”

A Fracturing Consensus
Politically, the reforms have caused significant tension within the governing Labour Party. After an internal backlash, Sir Keir Starmer’s team partially walked back the proposals—offering exemptions for existing claimants. But critics, including former shadow ministers, argue that this creates a two-tier welfare state and leaves future claimants exposed to hardship.

An editorial in the Financial Times described Starmer’s handling of the issue as “a rushed recalibration under pressure,” noting that the episode revealed deep fractures over the party’s post-austerity vision. The Guardian columnist Polly Toynbee went further, accusing Labour of betraying its social justice mandate by “siding with fiscal caution over the reality of hunger, disability, and despair.”

The Department for Work and Pensions insists the reforms are fair, stating that “3.8 million families will gain an average of £420 per year” through adjustments to the Universal Credit allowance. Yet according to the Resolution Foundation and the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the cuts will remove between £2.6 and £3.2 billion from the welfare system and are projected by the Office for Budget Responsibility to push 250,000 more people into poverty.

The View from the Church
The Church of England’s Disability Task Group has expressed grave concern, warning that 87% of current PIP standard-rate recipients could lose eligibility under new guidelines. Speaking to Church Times, Bishop Stephen Snow called the Bill “deeply unjust” and said it threatened to “crush the capacity of disabled people to live with dignity, work, or contribute to parish life.”

Other Christian leaders echoed this sentiment. Helen Barnard of the Trussell Trust said the legislation “defies moral reasoning,” while Christians Against Poverty CEO Stewart McCulloch warned of an “avalanche of unmanageable debt, isolation, and spiritual despair.”

A pattern has emerged in which disabled Christians—once volunteers and contributors to parish communities—are being forced into survival mode. Foster reflected:

“This isn’t just about surviving. People who were serving their churches now fear losing their mobility, their connection to others, and even their faith.”

A Crisis of Conscience
This moment reveals a growing tension between economic policy and moral responsibility. The Christian critique is not one of naïve idealism but of incarnational realism: that policy must reflect the dignity of the human person, not reduce them to economic units.

While government spokespeople emphasize fiscal balance and activation of the workforce, critics say this amounts to penalising the poor under a new technocratic veneer. “To call this ‘help into work’ is dishonest,” one think-tank analyst said. “For many, it’s a quiet deconstruction of safety nets—replacing them with barbed wire.”

The welfare vote on Tuesday may well pass with a trimmed majority. But the spiritual and social consequences are already being felt. For many Christians, the debate is no longer just about policy—it’s a test of moral clarity in a society where economic strength is too easily mistaken for virtue. 🔝

¹ Premier Christian News, “Anxiety levels are through the roof over welfare reform,” 26 June 2025.
² The Guardian, UK Politics Live, 27 June 2025.
³ Financial Times, How Starmer averted ‘civil war’ with Labour MPs after diluting welfare cuts, 27 June 2025.
⁴ Polly Toynbee, The Guardian, 27 June 2025.
⁵ Resolution Foundation & OBR briefing figures, June 2025.
⁶ Church Times, Welfare changes “a step backward for disabled dignity”, June 2025.
⁷ DWP Press Office, official figures on UC uplift, June 2025.


The Rule of Feeling or the Law of God?
The Eclipse of Moral Reason in Parliament

The task of governance, according to classical and Christian thought, is not to reflect the emotions of the age but to serve the common good in accordance with justice and truth. Legislation should restrain vice, protect the innocent, and promote human flourishing as God intended it. But in Britain today, we are witnessing the growing collapse of this vision. Laws are no longer shaped primarily by moral reasoning or the natural law but by emotional pressure and the fleeting sentiments of cultural mood.

This is not compassion. It is a counterfeit of compassion—a distortion of charity detached from truth. True charity wills the good of the other, but modern emotionalism confuses feeling with goodness, and affirmation with love. The consequence is grave confusion in moral discernment and legislative clarity alike.

Deforming Law through Emotionalism: The Case of Abortion
On 18 June 2025, the House of Commons voted to repeal sections 58 and 59 of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861, thereby removing nearly all criminal penalties for self-managed abortion¹. The vote was celebrated as a compassionate victory. But what was being celebrated was, in reality, the removal of legal recognition for the most vulnerable human life.

Dame Diana Johnson MP introduced the amendment by appealing to trauma and personal pain:

*“Imagine the trauma of a miscarriage, and then imagine being investigated by the police as though you were a criminal.”*²

Yet what was conspicuously absent from the debate was any serious engagement with the implicit recognition of unborn human personhood—enshrined both in the Offences Against the Person Act 1861 and in the very structure of the Abortion Act 1967, which did not legalise abortion outright but permitted strictly defined exceptions to prosecution for what would otherwise be considered the unlawful killing of a person³.

This silence is not accidental. It reveals the displacement of objective moral truth by rhetorical sleight and sentimental appeal. And this is not how legislators should approach questions of life and law. The deliberate unmaking of legal and moral precedent in favour of emotive storytelling is a betrayal of the dignity of parliamentary governance.

Scripture teaches: “Woe to those who call evil good and good evil, who put darkness for light and light for darkness” (Isaiah 5:20). When emotionalism supplants philosophical and theological reasoning, it is not progress but regression—a return to the paganism of the self, where truth is not something to be obeyed, but something to be felt.

Assisted Dying: Choice over Conscience
A similar tragedy unfolded with the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, which received overwhelming support in Parliament. Emotional testimony again dominated the debate. One of the most striking interventions came from Sir Stephen Timms MP:

*“I watched my wife’s mother suffer in the final weeks of her life. She was in pain, terrified, and crying out that she wanted it to be over. No one should be forced to endure that when they are beyond hope of recovery.”*⁴

Who would not be moved by such an experience? And yet, the role of law is not to sanctify despair but to uphold the inherent dignity of life, even in suffering. Catholic teaching affirms that “euthanasia is a grave violation of the law of God”, for *“it is the deliberate and morally unacceptable killing of a human person”*⁵. The pain of terminal illness must be met not with abandonment cloaked in autonomy, but with the Christian response of accompaniment, palliative care, and sacrificial love.

The professional bodies most competent to advise on these questions—the Royal Colleges of Physicians, General Practitioners, and Psychiatrists—warned against the legislation⁶. But their concerns were brushed aside. As with abortion, emotionalism triumphed over moral discernment. Parliament chose choice over conscience, control over care, and despair over hope.

Gender Ideology and the Lost Image of God
The confusion extends to education and healthcare. Gender ideology, under the guise of compassion, now commands institutional power. Children are affirmed in discordant identities, their bodies pathologised, and irreversible treatments administered—all under emotional narratives of affirmation and suicide prevention.

The Cass Review (2024) revealed that many such interventions lacked medical rigour and were driven more by ideology than clinical necessity⁷. And yet, schools and public bodies continue to promote these practices, ignoring not only the empirical evidence but the truth of the human person: male and female, created in the image and likeness of God (cf. Genesis 1:27).

Emotionalism here becomes a false gospel—offering salvation through self-identification rather than sanctification. And the victims are children.

Selective Justice and the Eclipse of Law
Even the foundational principles of justice are now selectively applied. The Equality Act 2010 lists sex and gender reassignment as protected characteristics. Yet following the UK Supreme Court’s April 2025 ruling that “sex” refers to biological reality⁸, many institutions have chosen instead to uphold “gender identity” as the superior right.

This inversion of the law—placing subjective identity over objective sex—is justified emotionally, not legally. Women’s rights to privacy, safety, and dignity in single-sex spaces are now routinely overruled by appeals to inclusivity and affirmation. But a law that protects some by erasing others ceases to be just.

In Christian theology, justice is the habit of giving to each what is due—grounded not in emotion, but in truth. When the law is redefined by feeling, it no longer upholds justice; it becomes an instrument of partiality and manipulation.

When Emotion Becomes Tyranny
There is a point at which feeling, unchecked, becomes tyranny. We have reached that point in modern lawmaking. Emotionalism has become the arbiter of right and wrong. Opposition to cultural trends is not reasoned with—it is condemned as hateful, phobic, or dangerous. Emotional harm becomes a tool to silence dissent, and public reason is drowned in sentiment.

This is not the Christian order of things. As St. Thomas Aquinas teaches, the human intellect is the faculty by which we come to know the natural law written on the heart. Without reason informed by truth and grace, politics becomes sentimentality weaponised. The Apostle warns us: “Be not conformed to this world, but be transformed by the renewal of your mind” (Romans 12:2).

The Path Forward: Restoring Truth in Charity

What, then, is to be done?

We must insist that law be returned to its proper foundation: reason informed by truth, and justice grounded in the dignity of the human person as created by God. Legislators must resist the temptation to govern by emotion and seek instead the moral clarity that comes from ordering human laws to the eternal law. As St. Augustine said, “A law that is not just is not a law at all.”

Parliament must recover its vocation as a guardian of the common good—not the fluctuating feelings of the crowd. And the Church must speak clearly: law and love are not opposed. But law without truth is not love. It is sentiment masquerading as mercy—and in the end, it destroys both justice and the human soul. 🔝

¹ The Telegraph, “MPs vote to allow abortion up to birth in UK law,” 18 June 2025.
² Hansard, House of Commons Debate, 2 June 2025, Dame Diana Johnson MP.
³ The Times, “Ministers likely to back ‘extreme’ plans to decriminalise abortion,” June 2025.
⁴ Hansard, 20 June 2025, Terminally Ill Adults Bill Debate.
⁵ Evangelium Vitae, 1995, §65.
⁶ Royal College submissions to Parliament, April–May 2025.
⁷ The Cass Review, Final Report, April 2024.
⁸ For Women Scotland Ltd v Scottish Ministers, UKSC, April 2025.


Selective Silence and Social Denial: Church Leaders Face Reckoning on Grooming Gangs

Two northern Anglican bishops have sparked renewed scrutiny of the Church of England’s handling of child exploitation scandals, with one denying ethnic patterns in grooming gang cases, and the other admitting he remained silent out of fear of undermining racial justice efforts.

Bishop of Manchester Rejects Ethnic Link
Speaking on BBC Radio 4’s Thought for the Day, the Rt Rev David Walker, Bishop of Manchester, insisted that “predatory behaviour” in grooming gangs “is not confined to any particular ethnic, cultural or religious group”¹. His comments came just hours before the publication of Baroness Louise Casey’s long-awaited government report on group-based child sexual exploitation, which concluded that some police forces had failed to record ethnicity data for the majority of grooming gang suspects, and that “disproportionate numbers of men from Asian ethnic backgrounds” were found among offenders in Greater Manchester, South Yorkshire, and West Yorkshire².

Bishop Walker acknowledged that his diocese had “seen more than its fair share” of such cases, with two separate gangs convicted in recent months—one in Rochdale involving men of Pakistani origin, and another in Bolton involving White British men³. Yet he remained firm in opposing any generalisations:

“This is not a pattern of offending confined to any particular ethnic, cultural or religious group… It’s a natural human tendency to want to think that such horrendous crimes are only carried out by people who are not like us.”⁴

He added that, in his experience, the majority of child sexual exploitation occurs within families, a fact he said too often goes unreported. While supporting efforts to protect girls from gang exploitation, he urged a broader focus on the risks within the home:

“It is here, where the words of Jesus might be hardest to hear.”⁵

Bishop of Blackburn Admits Fear-Driven Silence
In stark contrast, the Rt Rev Philip North, Bishop of Blackburn, has admitted that fear of damaging the Church’s commitment to racial justice led him—and many others—to remain silent on the issue. Writing in The Church of England Newspaper, Bishop North revealed that despite “hearing directly and on many occasions” from working-class families about the danger to their daughters, he refrained from supporting a public inquiry⁶.

Reflecting on Baroness Casey’s report, which he described as “fearless,” Bishop North asked:

“Why did I so readily believe the voices that claimed that calling for an inquiry was a collusion with the far right?”⁷

His candid admission revealed a deeper institutional reluctance within the Church:

“There must be hundreds of other church leaders like me who had heard rumours, stories and concerns yet said nothing.”⁸

North pointed to the disparity between the Church’s vocal positions on economic justice, international conflict, and euthanasia, and its collective silence on grooming gangs. The fear, he said, was of being perceived as undermining social cohesion or fuelling racism—yet in hindsight, that silence did more harm:

“By failing to address the issue, community relations were diminished due to the perception that one ethnic group could target members of another with impunity.”⁹

He concluded with a stark diagnosis of the Church’s cultural disconnect:

“Our corporate silence reflects a deeper problem which is the growing distance between a culturally middle-class established church and the needs and concerns of working-class communities.”¹⁰

A Turning Point?
These contrasting episcopal interventions have highlighted an internal crisis of discernment within the Church of England. Bishop Walker’s emphasis on universal risk has been welcomed by some as a call for moral clarity and protection for all children, regardless of background. Yet critics argue that such statements downplay statistical realities and may inadvertently shield systemic failures from scrutiny.

Bishop North’s confession, by contrast, has been praised for its honesty but also raises serious questions about institutional cowardice and the ethical price of political alignment. His phrase “fear-driven silence” has already entered broader discussion among clergy and commentators.

The government’s statutory inquiry, now underway, is expected to uncover more disturbing truths about the extent of abuse and institutional failure. Whether church leaders will meet this moment with candour—or retreat further into cautious generalities—remains to be seen.

As one working-class parent in Greater Manchester reportedly told Nuntiatoria: “We don’t want scapegoats. But we do want the truth. And we want someone to care enough to say it.” 🔝

¹ Rt Rev David Walker, BBC Radio 4, Thought for the Day, 17 June 2025.
² Baroness Louise Casey, Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation: Scale and Nature Review, Home Office, 16 June 2025.
³ Ibid., case summaries in Greater Manchester and West Yorkshire.
⁴ Rt Rev David Walker, Thought for the Day, loc. cit.
⁵ Ibid.
⁶ Rt Rev Philip North, “Fear-Driven Silence,” The Church of England Newspaper, 26 June 2025.
⁷ Ibid.
⁸ Ibid.
⁹ Ibid.
¹⁰ Ibid.


Welby’s Reckoning: Abuse, Accountability, and a Changing Gospel

In a pair of striking public admissions, the former Archbishop of Canterbury, the Most Rev Justin Welby, has simultaneously challenged a high-profile abuse report and acknowledged a personal conversion to affirming same-sex relationships—offering a revealing window into both the failures and evolving doctrines of the contemporary Church of England.

Challenge to the Makin Review
In remarks delivered last month at the Cambridge Union and only recently released online, Welby contested part of the 2023 Makin Review, which investigated the Church of England’s mishandling of abuse allegations concerning the late Christian barrister John Smyth. While the review concluded that Smyth, who abused numerous boys in the UK and South Africa under the guise of evangelical mentoring, should have been reported to authorities far earlier, Welby argued that crucial evidence had not been seen by the reviewer, Keith Makin¹.

“The bit of evidence is emails from Lambeth to Ely, and from Ely, letters to South Africa where Smyth was living,” Welby told students, claiming that the police were informed and that Lambeth had complied with their request not to interfere².

Nevertheless, Welby admitted that he had failed to follow up adequately: “I was insufficiently persistent and curious to follow up and check and check and check that action was being taken.”³ He called his resignation from the Archbishopric in November 2024 “one of the loneliest moments I’ve ever had,” and candidly revealed his own experiences of abuse as a child: “I am aware of what it means.”⁴

The Makin Review had argued that had Smyth been reported properly, his victims might have found justice before his death in 2018. The revelation that Lambeth Palace believes it did notify the authorities raises questions about documentation, transparency, and institutional memory—but also invites scrutiny of whether the Church’s internal culture prioritised institutional risk over survivors’ wellbeing.

A Changing Theology of Sexuality
In the same Cambridge Union address, Welby also offered an unexpectedly personal shift in theological stance. Describing himself as having been “thick,” he confessed that he had previously failed to see the good in same-sex relationships: “When they fall in love… it is a huge blessing for them and for society.”⁵

This marks a continuation of Welby’s trajectory toward affirming LGBT relationships, a position that has sparked intense division within the Anglican Communion. While still upholding formal limits on same-sex marriage within the Church of England, he has supported the introduction of blessing services for couples in civil partnerships and “equal marriages” under the 2014 Act.⁶

This theological repositioning, he implied, emerged not from doctrinal inquiry but from personal observation and emotional conviction: “Even I began to realise that I was being thick.”⁷ In a previous podcast interview, he had similarly blurred the moral distinction between heterosexual and homosexual unions, stating that all sexual activity should occur within “a committed relationship”—effectively reducing marriage to affective permanence, rather than sacramental covenant or procreative telos.⁸

Unmoored Conscience and the Crisis of Authority
These statements cast Welby as a figure of contradiction—penitent yet defiant, contrite yet still reshaping doctrine in his own image. In one breath, he acknowledges the cost of institutional silence over abuse, and in the next, he invokes personal sentiment as a theological compass.

For traditional Anglicans and Catholics alike, his words underscore a broader ecclesial crisis: the replacement of moral law with emotional resonance, and the transfer of theological authority from divine revelation to subjective experience. That such reversals come from the former head of the worldwide Anglican Communion only sharpens the stakes.

As the Church of England continues its “Living in Love and Faith” process, seeking consensus on sexuality, the resignation of Bishop Martyn Snow from the process—citing a belief that no agreement can be reached—points to a deeper fragmentation⁹. Doctrine, in such a context, becomes a matter not of fidelity to Christ, but of fragile institutional compromise.

Welby’s public self-examination may win sympathy, but it also lays bare the price of a Church ever more governed by feelings, fractured processes, and forfeited clarity. If this is indeed the legacy of one of the most prominent Anglican archbishops of recent memory, it is a legacy marked less by courage or consistency than by the quiet erosion of Christian moral witness. 🔝

¹ Makin Review, Independent Review into the Church of England’s Response to Allegations Against John Smyth QC, published 6 October 2023.
² Justin Welby, remarks to the Cambridge Union, recorded May 2025; cited in Premier Christian News, “Welby takes issue with Smyth abuse report,” 27 June 2025.
³ Ibid.
⁴ Ibid.
⁵ Justin Welby, Cambridge Union address, May 2025; reported in Premier Christian News, “Welby: ‘I was thick’ over same-sex relationships,” 27 June 2025.
⁶ The Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Act 2013 legalized civil same-sex marriage in England and Wales. The Church of England does not conduct or recognize same-sex marriages, though General Synod has approved prayers of blessing for such unions.
⁷ Premier Christian News, 27 June 2025.
⁸ The Rest is Politics podcast, 2024 interview with Justin Welby.
⁹ Statement of Rt Rev Martyn Snow, Bishop of Leicester, on stepping down as lead bishop of the ‘Living in Love and Faith’ process, June 2025.


The Myth of the Female Catholic Bishop
Why Maria Kubin’s Consecration in Austria Has Nothing to Do with the Roman Catholic Church

A wave of confusion has swept across Catholic media channels in recent weeks following the publication of an interview with Maria Kubin in katholisch.de, the official news portal of the German Catholic Bishops. The piece introduced Kubin as “the first female Catholic bishop,” a phrase that has quickly generated both interest and outrage. But the truth is much simpler—and much less sensational: there are no female bishops in the Catholic Church, and Maria Kubin is not Catholic in the sense that the term has always meant.

Who is Maria Kubin?
Maria Kubin is a psychotherapist from Austria who grew up in a devout Roman Catholic family but drifted away from the Church and eventually entered the Old Catholic Church of Austria, a schismatic body in communion with the Union of Utrecht. In June 2023, she was elected and consecrated as bishop of that ecclesial community, becoming the first woman to hold that office within the Austrian Old Catholic structure. Her theological training took place at the Catholic Theological Faculty in Graz—an institution under the auspices of the state-recognised Roman Catholic academic framework in Austria, though it welcomes a variety of students not all bound by Catholic faith or morals.

In the katholisch.de interview, Kubin explains her departure from the Church in terms now familiar to watchers of Western ecclesial dissent: alienation from the hierarchy, dissatisfaction with Catholic doctrine on women’s roles, and a search for a more “merciful” community. She is currently married for the second time and found the Old Catholic Church’s tolerance on remarriage, women’s ordination, and synodal governance appealing. In her words, the Old Catholic congregation she encountered offered a sense of “togetherness” and an inclusive ecclesial identity lacking in her Catholic upbringing.

What is the Old Catholic Church?
The Old Catholic Church refers to those groups that rejected the definitions of the First Vatican Council in 1870, especially papal infallibility and universal jurisdiction. Though initially conservative in doctrine and liturgy, these groups—particularly those forming the Union of Utrecht—have since adopted a host of modern innovations: married bishops, same-sex blessings, intercommunion with Anglicans and Lutherans, and most notably, the ordination of women. In 2023, Maria Kubin became the first woman consecrated as bishop in this schismatic communion’s Austrian branch.

The Roman Catholic Church regards the Old Catholics as valid but illicit in sacramental terms—but this validity ends when they depart from sacramental form and intent, as they do in the case of women’s ordination. Because only a baptized man can receive valid holy orders (cf. Ordinatio Sacerdotalis, 1994), a female “ordination” is not only illicit but entirely null. It lacks both matter and form. As such, Maria Kubin’s consecration is no more sacramentally real than a political ceremony or stage performance.

The Role of Modernist Theological Formation
Of particular concern is Kubin’s education at the Catholic Theological Faculty in Graz, Austria. Though structurally tied to the Roman Catholic Church in Austria, it openly promotes a “critical reflection at the intersection of faith and reason, church, culture and society”—a formula often used by modernist faculties to accommodate deconstructionist, relativist, and secularising ideologies. These are precisely the influences condemned by Pope Pius X in Pascendi Dominici Gregis (1907), where he warned of an internal attack on the Church by those who profess the faith while subtly altering its foundations.

Indeed, Graz is not an isolated case. German-speaking Catholic theological faculties, long viewed as incubators of modernist thought, were central to the post-conciliar shift in theology. It was theologians from this milieu—Rahner, Küng, Schillebeeckx, and others—who helped shape the ambiguity and experimentation of the post-Vatican II Church. That Kubin found herself at home in such a setting before seeking “ordination” in a schismatic church is no surprise.

The Real Scandal: katholisch.de’s Platforming of Apostasy
That the German bishops’ official news outlet would give such prominence to Kubin’s story is scandal enough. But it is more than merely poor editorial judgment. The interview was presented without doctrinal clarification or rebuttal, and the tone was one of gentle celebration. In the broader context of the German Synodal Way—a process that has proposed women’s ordination, same-sex blessings, lay preaching, and a host of other heterodoxies—the coverage appears less like reportage and more like subtle advocacy.

As Anthony Stein of Return to Tradition noted in his commentary on the interview:

“This woman is now being platformed as a bishop of the Catholic Church by the German bishops’ own news outlet… When katholisch.de do these kinds of things, they’re endorsing what she’s doing.”

And he’s right. Such uncritical presentation of a heretical act—without even a passing reminder of what the Church actually teaches—erodes the very distinction between truth and falsehood, Church and counter-Church.

Theological Bottom Line
The Church has always taught, and continues to teach infallibly, that only a baptized man can validly receive sacred ordination. This teaching is not a matter of policy but of divine constitution. As Pope St. John Paul II declared:

“Wherefore, in order that all doubt may be removed regarding a matter of great importance… we declare that the Church has no authority whatsoever to confer priestly ordination on women and that this judgment is to be definitively held by all the Church’s faithful.”¹

To continue promoting the idea of “female bishops” as somehow Catholic is to deny both the nature of the Church and the authority of Christ who instituted her.

Conclusion
Maria Kubin is not the first Catholic female bishop because there are no Catholic female bishops. She is a bishop only within a small schismatic community whose theological trajectory long ago abandoned Catholic sacramentality. That such a story would be platformed by katholisch.de without clarification is not a mark of inclusion—it is a sign of doctrinal collapse. The faithful deserve better than synodal confusion masked as progress.

The faithful must pray for Kubin, and for all those misled by counterfeit sacraments and pseudo-ecclesial ideologies. But above all, we must renew our fidelity to Christ’s own design for His Church, trusting not in novelty, but in the unbroken witness of Sacred Tradition. 🔝

¹ Pope St. John Paul II, Ordinatio Sacerdotalis (1994), §4.
² Pascendi Dominici Gregis, Pope St. Pius X, 1907.
³ See The Rhine Flows into the Tiber by Ralph M. Wiltgen (1967), detailing German theological influence at Vatican II.
⁴ See also the Declaration Inter Insigniores (1976), Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, reaffirming the impossibility of women’s ordination.


The Forgotten Premise of Equality
Recovering the Inherent Value of Human Life in a Post-Christian Society

In an age that claims to prize human rights, dignity, and equality, it is sobering to consider how unevenly these principles are applied. Recent parliamentary moves to strip the unborn of legal personhood—thereby removing even the theoretical protections of the most vulnerable—reveal a deeper crisis: we no longer agree on what it means to be human. This article offers a theological and moral reflection on that crisis, appealing not merely to religious sentiment but to reason, Revelation, and the unchanging dignity of the human person made in the image of God.

The Legal Disappearance of the Human Person
The recent vote to decriminalise abortion up to birth by removing personhood protections for the unborn does more than change public policy—it overturns a foundational principle of justice. Until now, even minimal legal consequences for unlawful abortion were grounded in a juridical recognition that the fetus, though unborn, was human. This legal category has now been abolished. In doing so, the State effectively declares that some human lives are not human enough to matter¹.

The implications are grave. Law no longer exists to protect the voiceless but to empower the strong. The mother’s autonomy is absolutised, and the child’s right to life is nullified. But if human rights are not intrinsic to our nature—if they are instead assigned by public consensus—then they can also be taken away by public consensus. This is the logic of tyranny.

Theological Clarity on Human Dignity
The Church teaches with unwavering clarity that the dignity of the human person is not earned, awarded, or granted by the State. It is endowed by the Creator from the first moment of existence. “Before I formed you in the womb I knew you” says the Lord to Jeremiah (Jer 1:5). The psalmist likewise confesses: “You knit me together in my mother’s womb” (Ps 139:13)².

The Incarnation itself testifies to the sanctity of unborn life. When the Virgin Mary, newly pregnant with Jesus, greets Elizabeth, the unborn John the Baptist leaps in the womb. He recognises the Messiah not by sight or speech, but through the spiritual reality of His presence³. This is not poetic metaphor. It is a truth confirmed by both Scripture and tradition: the unborn child is a person.

Abortion Is Not Healthcare, Nor Is It a Reproductive Right
The prevailing rhetoric of abortion as “healthcare” or a “reproductive right” distorts language to obscure violence. Healthcare is meant to heal, not kill. Pregnancy is not an illness, and the unborn child is not a tumour or parasite. Abortion, by its very nature, terminates a human life⁴.

To call abortion a reproductive right is equally misleading. Reproduction has already occurred; the child already exists. What is sought is not a right to prevent reproduction, but a right to end a life. This is not semantics—it is a matter of moral clarity.

The wider effects of abortion culture cannot be ignored. Beyond the loss of innocent life, many women suffer psychologically, emotionally, and spiritually after abortion⁵. The silence surrounding post-abortive trauma is part of the same systemic refusal to see the unborn as real. Compassion demands we confront the truth—not only about what abortion does, but about what it means.

The Tyranny of Choice
Our culture elevates autonomy as the highest good. But when autonomy is detached from truth, it becomes a license for self-destruction. Margaret Sanger, founder of Planned Parenthood, once wrote: “No woman can call herself free until she can choose consciously whether she will or will not be a mother”⁶. Yet that same principle, when extended to its logical conclusion, justifies acts that violate the dignity of others—especially those who cannot speak for themselves.

The same logic now fuels the push for assisted suicide. It is said to be about choice, dignity, and control. But as Lord Sumption warned, once such a “right” is normalised, it quickly becomes an expectation⁷. The elderly, the ill, the depressed—all may begin to feel that they have a duty to die rather than a right to live.

Christians cannot accept such distortions. Freedom is not doing whatever one wills. It is the liberty to pursue the good. When the State affirms the right to kill the innocent or the suffering, it does not extend liberty. It enshrines despair.

The Collapse of Coherence
Across these moral battlegrounds, one theme recurs: a crisis of coherence. Abortion declares that life without autonomy has no value. Assisted suicide implies that life with suffering is not worth living. Gender ideology claims that the body is not integral to identity. Each position denies an essential truth about what it means to be human.

The result is not liberation, but confusion. How can a society simultaneously say that a fetus is not a person in an abortion clinic, but is a murder victim if killed in an assault? Or that a child too young to get a tattoo may still consent to hormonal sterilisation? These are not marginal inconsistencies—they are symptoms of a worldview collapsing under its own contradictions.

From Theology to Prophecy
The Church’s task is not only to teach but to warn. As Isaiah cried: “Woe to those who call evil good and good evil, who put darkness for light and light for darkness” (Isa 5:20)⁸. The Church does not speak to win approval, but to defend the truth—even when the world does not want to hear it.

Yet this witness is not a condemnation. It is a call to repentance and hope. As St. Paul wrote, “Where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more” (Rom 5:20)⁹. The Gospel proclaims the infinite mercy of Christ for those who have participated in abortion, euthanasia, or any sin against life. But grace requires truth, and truth must be spoken.

Conclusion: A Humane, Christian Society
The true measure of a civilisation is not its technological progress or legal sophistication. It is how it treats the least among its members. The unborn, the elderly, the disabled, the unwanted—these are the ones upon whom the Gospel shines its brightest light.

If we forget the intrinsic dignity of the human person, we not only abandon Christian morality—we sever the roots of any coherent human rights framework. The law may cease to recognise the child in the womb. But the Church cannot. Heaven does not forget what earthly parliaments deny.

Let the Church, therefore, be clear, courageous, and compassionate: every human life matters—not because it is powerful, or wanted, or self-aware—but because it is made by God, redeemed by Christ, and destined for eternity. 🔝

¹ Cf. California Penal Code §187(a) (fetal homicide statute) versus permissive abortion laws in the same jurisdiction.
² Psalm 139:13; Jeremiah 1:5.
³ Luke 1:41–44. Cf. St. Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam, II.19.
⁴ American College of Pediatricians. (2017). “When Human Life Begins.”
⁵ Reardon, D.C. (2002). “The Aftermath of Abortion: A Review of Psychological Effects.” The Linacre Quarterly, 69(1), 29–41.
⁶ Sanger, M. (1920). Woman and the New Race. Brentano’s.
⁷ Lord Sumption, UK Supreme Court, Nicklinson v Ministry of Justice [2014].
⁸ Isaiah 5:20.
⁹ Romans 5:20.


The State’s Death Sentence on Conscience: Canada’s Forced Euthanasia Integration—and What It Portends for the UK

In late 2023, the government of British Columbia ordered the creation of a Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD) unit on the campus of St. Paul’s Hospital in Vancouver—one of Canada’s most prominent Catholic healthcare institutions¹. Despite being owned and operated by Providence Health Care, an explicitly Catholic body under the Archdiocese of Vancouver, the hospital was unable to prevent this ideological and ethical intrusion². As of June 2025, the facility is open, operational, and physically housed within the hospital grounds—albeit behind fences and with no public signage³.

The decision to embed a euthanasia unit into a Catholic hospital is a brazen act of state overreach, an affront to ecclesial sovereignty, and a foretaste of what may soon follow in other jurisdictions—including the United Kingdom.

A Grave Moral Contradiction
As canon lawyer Fr. Gerald Murray quipped on The Arroyo Grande Show, the logical absurdity is stark: “Maybe they’ll place it next to the suicide prevention room.” His sarcasm lays bare the contradiction. Catholic hospitals are meant to be places of healing and hope, not state-mandated sites of self-destruction. To force a Catholic institution to house death on demand is not only perverse but blasphemous.

Catholic doctrine is unequivocal: euthanasia and assisted suicide are “intrinsically evil”⁴. Pope St. John Paul II in Evangelium Vitae called euthanasia “a grave violation of the law of God” and affirmed that “no one can in any way permit the killing of an innocent human being”⁵. The Canadian state’s coercive intrusion into Catholic hospitals is thus not only a violation of conscience rights—it is a direct assault on the Church’s witness to the Gospel of Life.

Legal Coercion and the Tyranny of Inclusion
In 2024, the family of Samantha O’Neill, a terminal cancer patient denied MAiD on-site at St. Paul’s, filed a lawsuit against the hospital and the province⁶. At issue is not whether euthanasia should be permitted elsewhere—Canada already allows that—but whether Catholic hospitals must participate. In short: does publicly funded care mean conscience must be sacrificed?

Activists from “Dying with Dignity” say yes. They are explicit in their aim: all hospitals, regardless of affiliation, must provide euthanasia access. One campaigner even declared that “no patient should be denied state-sanctioned death based on the religion of their healthcare provider”⁷. But this framing reveals the core issue: the claim that conscience has no public standing unless it submits to the state’s moral orthodoxy.

UK: Echoes and Warnings
This Canadian case comes as the United Kingdom faces its own existential debate over assisted suicide. The Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill—introduced in 2024 and likely to return for debate in the new Parliament—proposes a framework strikingly similar to Canada’s original MAiD legislation⁸. Proponents downplay fears of a slippery slope, insisting on tight safeguards and individual choice. Yet Canada is the cautionary tale: what began in 2016 as a limited provision for terminal illness has since expanded to include mental illness, disability, and chronic suffering—with active consideration for extending it to “mature minors”⁹.

The Royal College of Psychiatrists, British Medical Association, and Royal College of Physicians have all issued warnings that so-called “safeguards” are routinely eroded once the logic of euthanasia is accepted¹⁰. The Canadian experience demonstrates precisely that: death ceases to be a tragic exception and becomes a therapeutic option.

Baroness Ilora Finlay, a palliative care expert and member of the House of Lords, put it bluntly: “Legalising assisted suicide opens a door that no amount of regulation can truly close. The pressure on the vulnerable—especially the elderly, the disabled, the poor—is real and deadly.”¹¹

Ahead of the parliamentary vote, Cardinal Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster, issued a clear warning about the potential impact of the proposed legislation on Catholic hospices and care homes. He expressed deep concern that “Catholic institutions may be forced to violate their moral and religious principles or risk losing public funding.”¹³ The Archbishop called on MPs to recognise that “true care respects life until its natural end” and that any legal compulsion to assist in suicide would “irreparably damage the fabric of conscience-based care.”¹³

Public Opinion and the Church’s Witness
Polling in Canada reveals a surprising ambivalence: while many Canadians support the abstract “right to die,” a strong majority (58%) believe that religious hospitals should not be compelled to participate¹². Similar findings have emerged in the UK, where conscience protections remain a valued component of professional ethics—even among those who favour legalising assisted suicide in narrow circumstances.

Yet governments, particularly progressive ones, increasingly regard conscience-based exemptions as outdated impediments to “universal access.” In this view, religious resistance is not a respected dissent but a problem to be managed, legislated, or sued out of existence.

A Battle for the Soul of Healthcare
What the Canadian government has done at St. Paul’s Hospital is not mere policy. It is a theological declaration: that death is a public good, and that even the Church must serve the culture of death in the name of inclusivity. It is a moment of reckoning for Catholics everywhere.

Will we defend the sanctity of conscience and the inalienable dignity of life, or will we yield—incrementally, administratively, quietly—until the Church’s hospitals become instruments of state euthanasia?

This question now confronts lawmakers in Westminster. If the UK legalises assisted suicide, the question will not stop at “may it be done?” but “must it be done by all?” The Canadian example gives us the answer. 🔝

¹ Catholic News Agency, “Euthanasia facility quietly opens at St. Paul’s Hospital in Vancouver,” 23 June 2025.
² CathNews, “Euthanasia unit forced on Catholic-run hospital in Canada,” 26 June 2025.
³ Catholic World News, “Government Operates Euthanasia Clinic at Vancouver Catholic Hospital,” 23 June 2025.
⁴ Catechism of the Catholic Church, §2277.
⁵ John Paul II, Evangelium Vitae (1995), §65.
⁶ Church for Vancouver, “MAiD lawsuit poses a serious challenge for St. Paul’s and all Catholic hospitals,” 20 June 2024.
⁷ National Catholic Register, “Family Sues Over Hospital’s Religious Exemption for Euthanasia,” 20 June 2024.
⁸ Hansard, “Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill [HL],” debates in House of Lords and Commons, 2024–2025.
⁹ The Guardian, “Canada considers extending euthanasia to minors,” 3 February 2023.
¹⁰ Royal College of Psychiatrists, “Position Statement on Assisted Dying,” 2023.
¹¹ Baroness Finlay of Llandaff, speech in House of Lords, 20 October 2024.
¹² Catholic News Agency, “Survey in Canada: Religious hospitals should not be forced to provide MAiD,” 13 April 2025.
¹³ Catholic Bishops’ Conference of England and Wales, statement from Cardinal Nichols ahead of parliamentary debate, 24 June 2025.


A schedule for the week of April 5, 2025, detailing liturgical events, feasts, and notable observances.


Global Christian Persecution and Religious Violence
A Rising Tide of Hatred, and the Silence That Follows

On Sunday, 22 June 2025, two events on opposite sides of the globe drew attention to an increasingly undeniable truth: Christians are under attack—not only in regions long known for persecution, but also in nations once thought secure. From the deadly bombing of a Syrian church to a thwarted mass shooting in Michigan, the message is consistent and chilling. And yet, these acts of violence are all too often met with silence, obfuscation, or polite avoidance by the media, international institutions, and even Christian leaders.

Damascus: The Blood of the Martyrs in the House of God
During the Divine Liturgy at the Greek Orthodox Church of Mar Elias in the Dweil’a district of Damascus, a suicide bomber opened fire on the congregation before detonating an explosive device. The attacker killed at least 22 people and wounded over 60 more, including several children¹. The Islamic State claimed responsibility, and the scale of the carnage suggests a renewed campaign of terror against Syria’s dwindling Christian population².

This was not a remote village chapel—it was a major urban parish, attacked in broad daylight. Local media shared footage of shattered icons, blood-stained pews, and grieving clergy carrying the bodies of the dead from the sanctuary. Despite widespread condemnation by the Greek government, the Arab League, and Pope Leo XIV, international news coverage was muted. For many, it was just another act of violence in a war-weary land. But for Syrian Christians, it was yet another reminder that their faith makes them targets³.

Michigan: Vigilance Thwarts Massacre
On the same day, a gunman armed with a rifle approached CrossPointe Community Church in Wayne, Michigan, during Sunday morning services. As he prepared to enter, a member of the church’s volunteer security team drove a pickup truck into him, incapacitating the threat⁴. One congregant was injured, but a larger tragedy was averted.

The assailant had previously met with the pastor, claiming to be a prophet. According to police, he returned intent on violence. Thanks to training, foresight, and courage, the church responded swiftly⁵. Yet, media coverage focused largely on the deacon’s unconventional heroism—rarely probing the motives behind the attack or situating it within the wider trend of anti-Christian hostility in Western nations.

Nigeria, Pakistan, India: A Pattern Ignored
In early June, over 120 Christians were murdered by Fulani militants in Plateau State, Nigeria⁶. Churches were burned, families slaughtered. But with global attention fixated elsewhere, the victims were quickly forgotten. Meanwhile, Christians in Pakistan continue to face imprisonment and mob violence under blasphemy laws⁷. In India, radical Hindu nationalists routinely target Christian pastors and congregations, often with tacit police support⁸.

According to the 2025 World Watch List, Christians remain the most persecuted religious group globally⁹. Whether under the shadow of Islamist violence, totalitarian atheism, or populist nationalism, the reality is the same: Christian faith, especially when publicly professed, incurs real risk.

The Cultural Double Standard
Imagine if a mosque in Europe were bombed by extremists, or a synagogue attacked by a lone gunman. Would the response be as subdued? The discrepancy is telling. Increasingly, Christian suffering does not fit the dominant narrative of victimhood. Religious persecution, when it does not serve progressive political goals, is treated as an inconvenience.

This cultural double standard leaves persecuted Christians doubly isolated—abandoned by their governments, ignored by the media, and often unsupported even by their fellow believers abroad.

The Call to Vigilance and Prayer

What then must be done?

  1. Awareness – Catholic and Christian communities must speak frankly about persecution. Silence is complicity.
  2. Security – Parishes should prepare prudently for the possibility of attack. The Church must be as wise as serpents, even while remaining innocent as doves.
  3. Solidarity – Aid and advocacy must be intensified for persecuted Christians, especially in places where state protection is absent or hostile.
  4. Witness – In the face of hatred, the Christian response must remain supernatural: prayer, sacrifice, and love of enemies.

The blood of martyrs is not only the seed of the Church—it is a prophetic rebuke to a world that has forgotten both justice and God. It is our duty to remember what others try to erase. 🔝

  1. Associated Press, “Suicide bomber kills at least 22 in Greek Orthodox church in Syria during Divine Liturgy,” 22 June 2025.
  2. Financial Times, “Suicide bombing kills 22 inside Damascus church,” 23 June 2025.
  3. Vatican Radio, “Pope Leo condemns Damascus attack as ‘blasphemy against God and man,’” 24 June 2025.
  4. People, “Man Opens Fire into a Michigan Church, Deacon Runs Him Over with a Truck,” 22 June 2025.
  5. Wayne County Police Press Briefing, 23 June 2025.
  6. Christian Solidarity International, “Massacres in Nigeria: 120 Christians Killed in Plateau State,” 5 June 2025.
  7. U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, Annual Report, May 2025.
  8. International Christian Concern, “Radical Hindu attacks on Christians in India surge in 2025,” June 2025.
  9. Open Doors International, World Watch List 2025, January 2025.

Crisis in Vocations & the Suppression of Tradition in France
Willful Blindness or Ideological Hostility?

In recent decades, France has witnessed a precipitous decline in priestly vocations—yet where the Novus Ordo falters, traditional Latin Mass (TLM) communities continue to flourish. Catholic World News recently reported that if current trends persist, “traditionalists will constitute a majority among Catholic priests of France” by the 2030s¹. Yet in the Bishops’ 2025 vocation report, these dynamic communities are entirely omitted. This erasure is no oversight; it is ideological.

The Silent Majority in Formation
At a meeting between Pope Leo XIV and the French episcopate, Rorate Caeli noted the glaring omission of TLM-affiliated seminarians from the national conclusions on vocations². These young men—devout, serious, formative-oriented—are building what one source called “ecclesial vitality.” But if it doesn’t fit the bishops’ cultural narrative, it dangerously disappears from view.

Projection to 2035: A Future Ignored
Thanks to data compiled by Catholic Culture and Rorate, analysts warn that by 2035 the majority of French priests may be rooted in traditional sacraments and liturgy¹². To ignore this shift is not prudence—it’s willful blindness. As one commentator noted, the trend is not merely statistical but existential: “younger, fervent candidates are gravitating to what they see as authentic Catholicism.”²³

Institutional Hostility vs Ecclesial Enrichment
With vocations rising mainly within traditionalist communities, questions arise. Why suppress these flourishing environments? Why restrict TLM celebrations under Traditionis Custodes while giving short shrift to their formative fruit? A leading French priest has even proposed a personal ordinariate for TLM Catholics to ensure pastoral stability⁶. Yet if such movements are stifled, the hierarchy signals that the life of the Church matters less than conformity to ideology.

Royal’s Warning: Ideology Cloaked in Neutrality
Robert Royal has observed that this is not passivity—it is strategic erasure. He warns that ecclesial authorities are “intentionally ignoring the fastest-growing sector of priestly life in France because they cannot control it.”³⁴ With that comes a crisis not just of numbers, but of identity. If the Church discards its most vibrant voices, what future remains?

Conclusion: Reincorporating a Reborn Priesthood
France stands on a precipice. Its future clergy may well be traditionalists, yet the institutional Church refuses to recognise their existence, gifts, or legitimacy. Ignoring this reality is not pastoral care; it is spiritual malpractice. Catholic authorities—local and universal—must reclaim these communities, listen to their voices, and allow them to flourish.

A Church that suppresses its own renewal—even as it blooms—is betraying both faith and future. It is time to stop ignoring the signs and embrace the vitality emerging from the roots of tradition. 🔝

  1. Catholic World News, “As French priestly vocations wane, traditionalist groups grow,” 24 June 2025
  2. Rorate Caeli, “The Pope meets French Bishops — The Traditional Mass Orders Ignored in Vocation Crisis report,” 24 June 2025
  3. Ibid.
  4. Ibid.
  5. OSV News, “Traditionalist Catholics see evangelization potential of Latin Mass,” 20 June 2025
  6. OSV News, French priest proposes personal ordinariate for TLM Catholics, 25 October 2024

Doctrinal Revolt in Germany and the Blasphemy of Fr. Martin
A Crisis of Fidelity from Mainz to Manhattan

The Catholic Church now faces open doctrinal rebellion from within. In Germany, bishops such as Peter Kohlgraf of Mainz and Heinrich Zimmer-Evers of Dresden-Meißen are accused of abandoning the perennial magisterium by relativising Scripture and calling for the acceptance and blessing of homosexual unions. Meanwhile in the United States, Fr. James Martin SJ has taken the scandal further—publicly comparing same-sex unions to the Most Holy Trinity in conversation with former U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg. These episodes are not isolated missteps but symptoms of a broader theological crisis.

The German Revolt
Bishop Kohlgraf recently stated that Scripture holds “no eternal truth” on the issue of homosexuality, and that the Church must reinterpret moral teaching in light of “the lived experience of believers.”¹ This relativistic approach was echoed by Zimmer-Evers and others participating in the German Synodal Path, who argue that the Catechism’s condemnation of homosexual acts as “intrinsically disordered” should be reformed.² Some bishops have gone further, characterising homosexual orientation as a “normal variant” of human development.³

This doctrinal shift—pushed through gradual, politically-calculated steps—has been described by critics as “salami-slicing”: the incremental dismantling of Catholic teaching under the guise of pastoral care. Fr. Gerald Murray has urged the resignation of the bishops involved, accusing them of “mutilating the moral doctrine of the Church” and betraying their episcopal office.⁴

Cardinal Kasper and the Trojan Horse of Women Deacons
Alongside the moral revolution, Cardinal Walter Kasper has revived calls for the ordination of women to the diaconate, framing it as a modest pastoral development. In reality, such a move would contradict the Church’s constant tradition and open the door to further innovation. Critics see it as part of the same strategy: breaking down resistance through ambiguity and phased reform.

Fr. Martin and the Trinity
The most shocking development came not from Europe, but from New York. In a June 2025 interview with Pete Buttigieg, Fr. James Martin attempted to draw a parallel between same-sex parenting and the mystery of the Holy Trinity. Buttigieg spoke movingly of his experience as a father, to which Martin responded: “That love, that sacrifice—that’s a window into the Trinity itself.”⁵

Such a comparison has been widely condemned as blasphemous. Fr. Murray stated that “to analogise a same-sex union—objectively sinful—with the divine communion of the Trinity is not only doctrinally false but a desecration of sacred mystery.”⁶ Traditional Catholic voices have called for ecclesiastical discipline, warning that Martin’s increasing platform within Jesuit and Vatican circles threatens to normalise grave theological error.

The Broader Crisis
What is unfolding is not a debate over tone or strategy, but a rupture in fidelity to revealed truth. The Church teaches that marriage is a sacramental covenant between one man and one woman, ordered to the procreation and education of children, and an icon of Christ and His Church.⁷ Homosexual acts, by contrast, are gravely sinful and contrary to both natural law and divine revelation.⁸

To bless such unions, or to suggest they reflect the inner life of God, is to redefine not only morality but God Himself. This is not pastoral outreach; it is theological insurrection.

Conclusion
The time for euphemism and delay has passed. German bishops who promote heresy must be corrected or removed. Fr. James Martin’s analogies must be denounced clearly and publicly. And the faithful must resist efforts to deform Catholic teaching under the false banner of inclusion. The unity of the Church cannot be preserved at the price of truth. 🔝

¹ Kohlgraf’s remarks cited in Catholic News Agency, 23 Feb 2021.
² Catechism of the Catholic Church, §2357.
³ Catholic World Report, “German bishops welcome initiative seeking change in Church teaching,” 25 Jan 2022.
⁴ Fr. Gerald Murray, The Arroyo Grande Show, June 2025.
⁵ America Magazine, “Fr. James Martin and Pete Buttigieg in conversation,” 24 June 2025.
⁶ Fr. Murray, op. cit.
⁷ Catechism of the Catholic Church, §1601–1666.
⁸ Ibid., §2357–2359.


A gathering in a grand library featuring a diverse group of people, including clergy, scholars, and families, engaged in reading and discussions, with bookshelves filled with various books in the background, and a prominent logo reading 'FORUM' in the foreground.

Israel, Iran, and the Moral Crisis of the West
A civilisational war and the West’s double betrayal

The recent Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear and military infrastructure mark not only a pivotal moment in Middle Eastern geopolitics but a profound moral test for the Western world. As Melanie Phillips argued in her wide-ranging interview on The Brendan O’Neill Show, the war is not merely regional—it is civilisational¹. Israel is fighting for its very existence against a theocratic regime that believes apocalypse will usher in the return of the Shia Mahdi². Western intelligence confirms that Iran had made significant progress in mounting nuclear material onto missiles, and had increased its output to over 300 warheads per month, prompting Israeli military action³.

The head of the snake
Iran’s strategy has long been to surround Israel with a “ring of fire” through proxies—Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and Iranian-backed militias in Syria and Iraq⁴. The October 7 massacre by Hamas was not an isolated act but the opening salvo in a coordinated seven-front war, as documented by the Institute for the Study of War and BBC Monitoring⁵. Israel’s response—widely described as among the most “audacious” air campaigns in recent memory—eliminated key Iranian military figures and nuclear engineers in precision strikes that analysts believe delayed, but did not entirely halt, Iran’s weapons programme⁶.

Steve Rosenberg, writing in a U.S. newspaper, calls Israel’s actions “globally justifiable” and credits its restraint and strategic clarity⁷. Despite the military brilliance, some commentators fear that Iran’s capacity to rebound remains intact, and that the West still lacks a coherent strategy for dealing with Iran’s regional ambitions⁸.

The West’s moral failure
Yet while Israel bleeds, the West lectures. European leaders, including Emmanuel Macron and institutions such as the UN, have issued more condemnations of Israeli retaliation than of the original provocations⁹. Nesrine Malik, writing in The Guardian, critiques Western leaders for gesturing toward diplomacy while refusing to name either side as aggressor or victim¹⁰—precisely the moral ambiguity Phillips highlights as symptomatic of postmodern relativism¹¹.

Antisemitism and scapegoating
The refusal to name evil is not an abstract problem—it has bloodied consequences. Since October 2023, antisemitism has surged globally. The ADL reports a 388% increase in antisemitic incidents in the U.S. alone, with comparable rises across Europe¹². In France, over 1,600 antisemitic incidents were recorded in 2023, quadrupling the prior year’s figures¹³. In Germany, 5,164 such offenses were reported, and Berlin alone sees 7–8 incidents per day in 2024¹⁴.

This is not just statistical. Posters of kidnapped civilians have been torn down with visible hatred. Jewish schools and synagogues require 24-hour police protection. The so-called anti-racists are silent. In this climate, as Brendan O’Neill notes, Israel is demonised as “genocidal,” while Iran is infantilised as a misunderstood victim¹⁵.

A beacon of what the West once was
What drives such hatred of Israel? It is not merely about policy—it is symbolic. As Phillips and other commentators like Douglas Murray and Yoram Hazony have observed, Israel is hated because it reminds the West of what it once was: rooted, confident, morally serious¹⁶. Ayaan Hirsi Ali suggests that Israel’s unapologetic defence of its national identity exposes the cultural void in Western societies that have abandoned their own foundations¹⁷.

Phillips goes further: she argues that Israel—not America, not Europe—may soon emerge as the true leader of the free world. It possesses not only moral clarity but also a unity of purpose the West lacks¹⁸. This is echoed by Hazony, who frames Israel’s civil cohesion as a rebuke to post-Christian Western fragmentation¹⁹.

Strategic realism and real threats
Even those more cautious toward Israel acknowledge the Iranian threat. An editorial in The Times declares that Iran is “a direct threat to Britain,” citing its ballistic missiles, ideological hostility to the West, and its use of global proxies²⁰. Israel, in defending itself, is also defending the broader civilisation to which the West once laid claim.

What hope remains?
Despite 20 months of trauma, Israel is unbowed. Its citizens—from Jewish, Arab, and Druze communities—have displayed extraordinary unity and resilience²¹. The country’s collective spirit, forged in crisis, stands in stark contrast to the West’s fractiousness and cynicism.

Phillips concludes that until the West recovers a moral compass and acknowledges the true stakes of the war, it will remain mired in confusion and hypocrisy. As she puts it, “Only when the West begins to understand what it has done to itself… will it begin to admire, trust, love, and respect Israel and the Jewish people. Not until then.”²² 🔝

¹ Melanie Phillips, The Brendan O’Neill Show, June 2025.
² Ibid.
³ AP News, “Israel killed at least 14 scientists…”, June 2025.
⁴ ISW, Regional Warfare Update, May 2025.
⁵ BBC Monitoring, 2024; ISW Intelligence Briefs, April–June 2025.
⁶ The Guardian, “Israel, US and Iran all claim to have won…”, 24 June 2025.
⁷ Steve Rosenberg, Journal Courier, June 2025.
⁸ Financial Times, “Trump’s Step into the Dark”, 22 June 2025.
⁹ The Times, June 2025; UN Watch Voting Record, 2015–2023.
¹⁰ Nesrine Malik, The Guardian, 23 June 2025.
¹¹ Phillips, The Brendan O’Neill Show.
¹² ADL, Annual Report, April 2024.
¹³ French Ministry of Interior, April 2024.
¹⁴ German Interior Ministry, June 2024.
¹⁵ Brendan O’Neill, The Brendan O’Neill Show, June 2025.
¹⁶ Douglas Murray, The War on the West (2022).
¹⁷ Ayaan Hirsi Ali, UnHerd, October 2023.
¹⁸ Phillips, The Brendan O’Neill Show.
¹⁹ Yoram Hazony, Jerusalem Post, May 2024.
²⁰ The Times, 23 June 2025.
²¹ Phillips, The Brendan O’Neill Show; corroborated in Reuters, June 2025.
²² Ibid.


The Cost of Denial: Estrogen Use, Youth Transition, and the Forgotten Duty to Do No Harm

Introduction
In the name of affirmation, we are now witnessing a growing body of evidence that gender medicine—particularly the administration of estrogen to trans-identified males—poses significant, long-term health risks. While policymakers and media outlets continue to frame “gender-affirming care” as life-saving, peer-reviewed studies now confirm elevated rates of blood clots, stroke, cardiovascular death, cognitive decline, infertility, and even cancer. Behind the medical terminology lies a stark ethical reality: vulnerable young people, particularly same-sex attracted boys, are being sacrificed at the altar of ideological dogma.

As the Church teaches, the body is not a mere vessel for self-expression, but the sacramental form through which the human person participates in divine life. To mutilate or irreversibly alter it for psychological conformity is not an act of liberation—it is a violation of nature, truth, and personhood.

1. The Medical Evidence: A Growing Crisis
A 2025 meta-review by Schwartz et al. in Discover Mental Health has compiled data across several studies and national registries, identifying alarming trends among trans-identified males (TIMs) on estrogen therapy¹:

  • Blood Clots (VTE): 2.2× higher risk, especially with oral estradiol²
  • Stroke: Up to 10× higher risk after six years of estrogen therapy³
  • Cardiovascular Mortality: 3× higher risk with estradiol use⁴
  • All-Cause Mortality: 1.8× higher compared to cisgender male controls⁵
  • Breast Cancer: 22.5 to 40.7× higher than baseline male incidence⁶
  • Insulin Resistance: 72% increase after one year; additional 9% in year two⁷
  • Cognitive Decline: Reduced brain volume and slower neural processing⁸
  • Fertility Collapse: Only 0–24% retain sperm production⁹
  • Autoimmune Conditions: 6.6× higher incidence of multiple sclerosis¹⁰
  • Rare Complications: Documented cases of pancreatitis, autoimmune flares, and meningiomas¹¹

These findings are consistent with previous data from the Amsterdam Cohort Study, the STRONG study (USA), and ongoing longitudinal research from the Netherlands and Scandinavia. Notably, the risks increase with duration of hormone exposure, compounding over time, and often remain unacknowledged in clinical settings, where the urgency of “affirmation” overshadows the duty to ensure true informed consent¹².

2. Theological Foundations: The Body as Gift, Not Canvas
The Catholic theological tradition, rooted in Scripture and natural law, regards the human body as integral to the person. As Pope Saint John Paul II wrote in Veritatis Splendor, “The body reveals man and expresses the person”¹³. Altering the body to match a subjective sense of identity violates its sacramental role, separating form from purpose.

St. Thomas Aquinas argued that natural inclinations reveal divine order. One such inclination is the integrity of the body and the proper ends of sexuality, including procreation and union within complementarity¹⁴. Hormonal manipulation to erase sexual differentiation is not a healing of disorder, but a radical reconfiguration of nature into artifice.

Furthermore, as the Catechism of the Catholic Church teaches, “Man and woman have been created… in their respective beings as man and woman [they] reflect the Creator’s wisdom and goodness”¹⁵. To disrupt this order under the guise of identity affirmation is to distort God’s image in man.

3. A Disproportionate Cost to Same-Sex Attracted Youth
Clinical and social data show that a significant proportion of young males pursuing transition later identify as gay or bisexual. Studies by Littman and others have raised the concern that the “affirmation model” may actually reroute homosexual development into a trans medical pathway, particularly in cultural environments hostile to effeminate or gender-nonconforming boys¹⁶.

In this light, the transition industry’s promotion of early medicalization—often under the language of “suicide prevention”—resembles not a liberation, but a sterilisation campaign for the protogay population. If this medical model were deployed in any other context with such a demographic skew, it would be rightly condemned as unethical.

4. Informed Consent and the Collapse of Medical Ethics
Informed consent presumes that a patient has the capacity, time, and understanding to weigh the risks of treatment. But studies consistently show that minors—and often their parents—are not adequately informed of the irreversible harms and long-term consequences of hormone use, including sterility, loss of sexual function, and heightened risks of chronic illness¹⁷.

Moreover, the psychological framing of gender dysphoria as a condition only treatable by affirmation forecloses the possibility of psychotherapeutic or developmental exploration. This is not choice—it is coercion with a smiling face.

5. A Moral Framework for Reform
The current medical regime surrounding trans-identified youth violates several fundamental principles of ethical healthcare:

  • Non-maleficence (Primum non nocere): The principle of “do no harm” is foundational to medicine. When long-term risks outweigh perceived short-term relief, the treatment becomes morally indefensible.
  • Beneficence: True care must promote authentic flourishing, not just subjective comfort. Enabling sterility, chronic illness, and alienation from one’s biological sex is not beneficent—it is betrayal.
  • Justice: The disproportionate targeting of same-sex attracted and autistic youth raises grave concerns about exploitation of vulnerable populations.
  • Truthfulness: Medical professionals must not be complicit in affirming falsehoods about human biology or the reversibility of these interventions.

Healthcare policy must reject ideological capture and return to first principles rooted in truth and charity. Medical boards must reintroduce ethical review of gender clinics, restrict hormonal treatment to fully consenting adults, and reinstate psychotherapeutic protocols as the first line of response.

Conclusion
In the name of compassion, we have institutionalised cruelty. In the name of affirmation, we have sanctioned mutilation. The silence of the Church and the cowardice of the medical profession must give way to truth spoken in love. If we do not protect the young, especially those most vulnerable to manipulation, then we have failed not only as Catholics, but as human beings.

As our Lord warns: “It would be better for a man to have a millstone tied around his neck and be cast into the sea than to scandalise one of these little ones” (Luke 17:2). The time for polite hesitations has passed. We must speak. 🔝

  1. Schwartz et al., “Emerging and Accumulating Safety Signals in Transfeminine Hormone Use,” Discover Mental Health, 2025.
  2. Asscheman et al., “Venous Thromboembolism Risk with Estrogen in Male-to-Female Transsexuals,” European Journal of Endocrinology, 2014.
  3. Nota et al., “Stroke Incidence in Transgender Individuals,” BMJ, 2021.
  4. Gooren & T’Sjoen, “Endocrinological Treatment of Transsexual People,” Best Practice & Research Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism, 2017.
  5. Dhejne et al., “Long-Term Follow-Up of Transsexual Persons Undergoing Sex Reassignment Surgery,” PLOS ONE, 2011.
  6. Brown & Jones, “Breast Cancer Risk in Male-to-Female Transgender Patients,” British Journal of Surgery, 2020.
  7. Elamin et al., “Metabolic Effects of Cross-Sex Hormones,” Clinical Endocrinology, 2010.
  8. Mueller et al., “Neuroanatomical Effects of Hormone Therapy in Transgender Women,” Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism, 2023.
  9. Skordis et al., “Infertility in Transgender People,” Frontiers in Endocrinology, 2022.
  10. Simons et al., “Gender-Affirming Hormone Therapy and Multiple Sclerosis,” Autoimmunity Reviews, 2024.
  11. StatsForGender.org, “Complications and Adverse Outcomes,” accessed June 2025.
  12. Amsterdam Cohort Studies; STRONG Study (Kaiser Permanente).
  13. Pope John Paul II, Veritatis Splendor, §48.
  14. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, I-II, q. 94, a. 2.
  15. Catechism of the Catholic Church, §369.
  16. Littman, L., “Rapid-Onset Gender Dysphoria in Adolescents,” PLoS ONE, 2018.
  17. Levine, S., “Informed Consent in Transgender Care,” Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy, 2022.

Join the Titular Archbishop of Selsey on a deeply spiritual pilgrimage to Rome in the Jubilee Year 2025. This five-day journey will offer pilgrims the opportunity to deepen their faith, visit some of the most sacred sites of Christendom, and participate in the graces of the Holy Year, including the passing through the Holy Door at St. Peter’s Basilica.

A bishop walking on a cobblestone street in Rome, approaching St. Peter's Basilica in the background, dressed in traditional clerical attire.

What to Expect

🛐 Daily Mass & Spiritual Reflection
Each day will begin with the celebration of Holy Mass in the Eternal City, surrounded by the legacy of the early Christian martyrs and the countless Saints who sanctified its streets. This will be followed by opportunities for prayer, reflection, and spiritual direction.

🏛 Visits to the Major Basilicas
Pilgrims will visit the four Papal Basilicas, each housing a Holy Door for the Jubilee Year:

  • St. Peter’s Basilica – The heart of Christendom and the site of St. Peter’s tomb.
  • St. John Lateran – The cathedral of the Pope, often called the “Mother of all Churches.”
  • St. Mary Major – The oldest church in the West dedicated to Our Lady.
  • St. Paul Outside the Walls – Housing the tomb of St. Paul the Apostle.

⛪ Pilgrimage to Other Sacred Sites

  • The Catacombs – Early Christian burial sites and places of refuge.
  • The Holy Stairs (Scala Sancta) – Believed to be the steps Jesus climbed before Pilate.
  • The Church of the Gesù & the tomb of St. Ignatius of Loyola.
  • The Church of St. Philip Neri, renowned for his joyful holiness.

🌍 Exploring the Eternal City
The pilgrimage will include guided sightseeing to some of Rome’s historic and cultural treasures, such as:

  • The Colosseum and the memories of the early Christian martyrs.
  • The Roman Forum and the heart of ancient Rome.
  • The Pantheon and its Christian transformation.
  • Piazza Navona, the Trevi Fountain, and other landmarks.

🍽 Time for Fellowship & Reflection
Pilgrims will have opportunities to enjoy the unique culture and cuisine of Rome, with time set aside for fellowship, discussion, and personal devotion.

Practical Information

  • Estimated Cost: Up to €15000-2000, covering accommodation, guided visits, and entry to sites.
  • Travel Arrangements: Pilgrims must arrange their own flights or transport to and from Rome.
  • Limited Spaces Available – Those interested should register their interest early to receive further details.

📩 If you are interested in joining this sacred journey, express your interest today!

← Back

Thank you for your response. ✨

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Archbishop Mathew’s Prayer for Catholic Unity
Almighty and everlasting God, Whose only begotten Son, Jesus Christ the Good Shepherd, has said, “Other sheep I have that are not of this fold; them also I must bring, and they shall hear My voice, and there shall be one fold and one shepherd”; let Thy rich and abundant blessing rest upon the Old Roman Apostolate, to the end that it may serve Thy purpose by gathering in the lost and straying sheep. Enlighten, sanctify, and quicken it by the indwelling of the Holy Ghost, that suspicions and prejudices may be disarmed, and the other sheep being brought to hear and to know the voice of their true Shepherd thereby, all may be brought into full and perfect unity in the one fold of Thy Holy Catholic Church, under the wise and loving keeping of Thy Vicar, through the same Jesus Christ, Thy Son, who with Thee and the Holy Ghost, liveth and reigneth God, world without end. Amen.

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OLD ROMAN TV Daily Schedule Lent 2025: GMT 0600 Angelus 0605 Morning Prayers 0800 Daily Mass 1200 Angelus 1205 Bishop Challoner’s Daily Meditation 1700 Latin Rosary (live, 15 decades) 1800 Angelus 2100 Evening Prayers & Examen 🔝

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Litany of St Joseph

Lord, have mercy on us.Lord, have mercy on us.
Christ, have mercy on us.Christ, have mercy on us.
Lord, have mercy on us. Lord, have mercy on us. 
Christ, hear us.Christ, graciously hear us.
 
God the Father of heaven,have mercy on us.
God the Son, Redeemer of the World,have mercy on us.
God the Holy Spirit,have mercy on us.
Holy Trinity, one God,have mercy on us.
  
Holy Mary,pray for us.
St. Joseph,pray for us.
Renowned offspring of David,pray for us.
Light of Patriarchs,pray for us.
Spouse of the Mother of God,pray for us.
Guardian of the Redeemerpray for us.
Chaste guardian of the Virgin,pray for us.
Foster father of the Son of God,pray for us.
Diligent protector of Christ,pray for us.
Servant of Christpray for us.
Minister of salvationpray for us.
Head of the Holy Family,pray for us.
Joseph most just,pray for us.
Joseph most chaste,pray for us.
Joseph most prudent,pray for us.
Joseph most strong,pray for us.
Joseph most obedient,pray for us.
Joseph most faithful,pray for us.
Mirror of patience,pray for us.
Lover of poverty,pray for us.
Model of workers,pray for us.
Glory of family life,pray for us.
Guardian of virgins,pray for us.
Pillar of families,pray for us.
Support in difficulties,pray for us.
Solace of the wretched,pray for us.
Hope of the sick,pray for us.
Patron of exiles,pray for us.
Patron of the afflicted,pray for us.
Patron of the poor,pray for us.
Patron of the dying,pray for us.
Terror of demons,pray for us.
Protector of Holy Church,pray for us.
  
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,spare us, O Jesus.
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,graciously hear us, O Jesus.
Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world,have mercy on us, O Jesus.
  
He made him the lord of his householdAnd prince over all his possessions.

Let us pray:
O God, in your ineffable providence you were pleased to choose Blessed Joseph to be the spouse of your most holy Mother; grant, we beg you, that we may be worthy to have him for our intercessor in heaven whom on earth we venerate as our Protector: You who live and reign forever and ever.

Saint Joseph, pray for us.

Note: Pope Francis added these titles to the Litany of St. Joseph in his “Lettera della Congregazione per il Culto Divino e la Disciplina dei Sacramenti ai Presidenti delle Conferenze dei Vescovi circa nuove invocazioni nelle Litanie in onore di San Giuseppe,” written on May 1, 2021:

Custos Redemptoris (Guardian of the Redeemer)Serve Christi (Servant of Christ)Minister salutis (Minister of salvation)Fulcimen in difficultatibus (Support in difficulties)Patrone exsulum (Patron of refugees)Patrone afflictorum (Patron of the suffering)
Patrone pauperum (Patron of the poor)


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